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Utility Regulation: The Rate Case (opportunities to game)

Utility Regulation: The Rate Case (opportunities to game)

via Master Resource
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“We are accustomed to seeing news coverage of tearful hurricane victims praising the heroic utility workers who restore their electrical service. Not so heroic is the way the utility accountants are booking that expense in a way that gives huge future streams of profits to the poor storm-victim utility.”

Over the years, the procedures for state-level utility rate cases have evolved into a pretty standard set of formulas and estimating methods.

Most states use a future “test year” where the utility estimates its revenue and costs for an upcoming period. Naturally, the utility will low-ball the projected revenue to justify asking for a higher level of revenue through rates approved by the regulators. Costs in the model year will be overstated as much as the utility thinks they can get away with.

A much debated part of cost assignment is whether to recover costs in the period under consideration or as “ratebase,” where the cost is amortized and earns a return. For example: a utility may project a $20 million cost for plant repairs or high-overhead efficiency programs. This whole cost can be recovered as part of the revenue award in the current rate case or stretched over an amortization period of ten years by placing it in rate base.

If rate base treatment is chosen then $2 million will be collected in the first year with $18 million to be deferred while earning the allowed rate of return, say 8%. By the rule of 72, the interest divided into 72 yields the time to double the initial amount (72/8 = 9 years). So the $18 million justifies the collection of $36 million over time. If the amortization period is 20 years then the deferred amount collected is: $19m x 20/9 = $42 million.

Often the utility or the regulators will choose putting an expense in ratebase and claim they are doing this to save ratepayers money. Of course, in utility-speak they mean only in the amount in the first year. Obviously recovering an expenditure through ratebase with return over time is much more costly to ratepayers.

Rate Base

After the estimates of revenue and costs, the next matter is the amount of the utility’s ratebase. This is total plant first costs minus accumulated depreciation which is net book value of hard assets. Other things going into ratebase are working capital and other “regulatory assets” such as our example above.

One interesting ratebase item is storm damage. We are accustomed to seeing news coverage of tearful hurricane victims praising the heroic utility workers who restore their electrical service. Not so heroic is the way the utility accountants are booking that expense in a way that gives huge future streams of profits to the poor storm-victim utility.

Rate of Return (on Ratebase)

The next step in rate making is to calculate the rate of return which is a blend of the interest on debt and the return on stockholders’ equity.

The cost of debt is pretty easy. The markets set interest rates. The most amusing part of a rate case is the utility witness who will argue for a high return on equity. Determining the proper return on the equity in a company is a very subjective matter and can only really be set under market conditions. The utilities bring high-paid outside experts with their formulas and reviews of what other utilities, also under regulation, are making to advise the regulators.

We are reminded of the ancient soothsayers who examined the entrails of small animals to make predictions the great leader wanted to hear. This tradition of examining irrelevant data to make dubious recommendations continues in modern day utility regulation.

Administratively determined returns based on such studies are like studying the profits of Wendy’s and McDonald’s to set the profits for Burger King. Plus all the other utilities are basing their requests for profit levels on the examples of fellow utilities who used the utility under review as an example to set their profit levels. The problem of circular logic.

The whole approach of adding up cost and politically setting a profit level is license for gaming and inefficiency. (Utilities call profits the “cost of equity.”) In a market process, firms try to cut and control costs in order to earn a profit. Prices determine costs, not the other way around.

Utility revenue is the sum of operating expenses (at cost), depreciation and amortization, taxes and the return on ratebase. The difference between current revenues and the revenue award is the amount of the rate increase.

Then comes the question of how to collect the revenue in rates. Traditionally the rates collect capacity cost allocated by customer group peak demands on the system, as well as the variable operating cost allocated on a volumetric basis. The main groups are residential and business class customers.

This may sound straight forward, but the methods of allocation are arbitrary, and the final cost responsibility is actually set by political clout of the customer groups. The voting residential customers may provide the utility with a 4% return and the business customers a 12% return, so the utility average is the 8% allowed by the regulators.

The regulatory agencies are headed by people either elected or appointed by those who are elected. The bias is toward cross-subsidy in favor of the voters. This is no problem for the utilities who just want to be sure they get a high return on ratebase. If penalizing business customers helps the utilities standing with regulators, then that’s just tough for business customers.

The post Utility Regulation: The Rate Case (opportunities to game) appeared first on Master Resource.

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June 20, 2017 at 09:05PM

Reuters Misleads on Investor Support for AGW — Science Matters

Reuters Misleads on Investor Support for AGW — Science Matters

via Friends of Science Calgary
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Reuters published today 2017 tables listing sovereign investors in two categories: Leaders and Laggards. I noticed that the laggard table included the assets size of funds, while the leader table did not. So I went to the report itself by the Asset Owners Disclosure Project (AODP) which is leading the effort to blame and shame […]

via Reuters Misleads on Investor Support for AGW — Science Matters

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June 20, 2017 at 06:28PM

A Rebuttal to Environmentalists’ Claims That “Arctic Drilling Revenue Predictions Are ‘Way Off’”

A Rebuttal to Environmentalists’ Claims That “Arctic Drilling Revenue Predictions Are ‘Way Off’”

via Watts Up With That?
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Guest post by David Middleton

Why would anyone care what “environmentalists” have to say about potential Arctic oil revenue?  I only care because their “reasoning” is both fun and easy to ridicule.

Environmentalists Say Arctic Drilling Revenue Predictions ‘Way Off’

IULIA GHEORGHIU | JUNE 19, 2017

Conservation advocates believe opening up the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, America’s largest swath of wilderness, isn’t likely to be the boon to federal coffers that President Donald Trump expects.

Opening up the wilderness region is a perennial issue; bipartisan bills are introduced each Congress to definitively label the area as “wilderness” while industry groups seek to gain access to a section of land that had been designated for oil and gas exploration. Plans have existed since 1980 to use less than 3 percent of the more than 19 million acres of wilderness refuge for oil and gas exploration — but conservation groups argue even that amount is too much.

It is possible for the House Natural Resources Committee to meet likely revenue targets from the House budget resolution by following Trump’s budget proposal to open up the wildlife refuge for onshore oil and gas exploration, advocates from The Wilderness Society and the Alaska Wilderness League noted on a press call Monday. But the organizations say the federal government is likely to get much less than the Trump budget suggests.

The White House budget calculates opening up the region to oil and gas exploration should bring in a total $3.5 billion in revenue, half of which would be going to the federal government. But Cameron Witten, budget specialist for The Wilderness Society, called the president’s revenue assumptions “way off the mark” because Alaska’s state constitution designates that 90 percent of revenue from public land leasing will go to the state, reducing the federal intake to $350 million.

[…]

Morning Consult

Notes to “Cameron Witten, budget specialist for The Wilderness Society”:

  1. ANWR is Federal acreage.  While the Federal government does generally share minerals revenues with the States, the Alaska constitution isn’t the operative document here.
  2. The lease bonus and rental income will only be a tiny fraction of the revenue from ANWR.  The vast majority of the revenue (>99%) will come from royalty payments (usually at least 1/8 of the gross revenue from oil & gas production) and income taxes.
  3. “Maybe next time do a little research”…

VIDEO

Possible Federal Revenue from Oil Development of ANWR and Nearby Areas

June 23, 2008
Salvatore Lazzari
Specialist in Energy and Environmental Economics  Resources, Science, and Industry

[…]

Federal revenues would consist primarily of corporate income taxes on profits
earned by oil producers from the production and sale of ANWR oil. As landowner,
the federal government would also collect royalties from such production on federal
lands, which are included in the estimates. If producers were able to recover 10.3
billion barrels of oil over the life of the properties — the United States Geological
Survey has estimated there is a 50-50 chance that the ANWR coastal plain contains
at least this amount of oil — and if oil prices are $125/barrel, then the federal
government might be able to collect $191 billion in revenues over the production
period, estimated to be at least 30 years once production commences. This estimate
consists of nearly $132 billion in federal corporate income taxes, and about nearly
$59 billion in federal royalties.

[…]

Congressional Research Service 

While oil prices are unlikely to be in the $125/bbl range anytime soon, most companies are basing decisions on $50/bbl with a modest escalation over time.  If 10 billion barrels of oil were produced from ANWR and the Federal government retained a 1/8 royalty, they would make a schistload of money, just from the royalties:

  • $50/bbl * 10,000,000,000 bbl =  $500,000,000,000 (that’s $500 billion).
  • 1/8 * $500,000,000,000 = $62,500,000,000

Now, that $62.5 billion would be paid out over 20-30 years and some of the revenue would be shared with the State of Alaska; but the opening of ANWR could easily generate at least $3.5 billion/year in total revenue to the Alaskan and Federal governments.  And it would do this for at least 20-30 years.  Within a few years of opening up ANWR Area 1002, it could be producing 1.45 million barrels of oil per day.

  • 1,450,000 bbl/d * $50 = $72,500,000/d
  • $72,500,000/d * 365 d/y =  $26,462,500,000/yr
  • 1/8 * $26,462,500,000/yr =  $3,307,812,500/yr

Opening up ANWR is a no-brainer from every possible angle.  It’s literally right next door to the giant Prudhoe Bay oil fields:

6e930206-53ca-4dfb-8188-8de4b9240127

ANWR Area 1002 is a strip of barren coastal tundra right next door to the Prudhoe Bay complex. It would essentially be a “step-out” development. (Image from: US House Committee on Natural Resources)

 

Opening less than 3% of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) in Alaska for responsible energy production could create thousands of jobs, generate billions in new revenue and help reduce our dependence on foreign sources of oil.

Small Area = Big Energy Potential

  • The North Slope of ANWR, known as “Area 1002”, was specifically set aside by Congress and President Carter in 1980 for oil and natural development. This area is not designated as Wilderness.
  • A plan developing 500,000 acres—less than three percent of ANWR’s acreage—would provide access to the majority of ANWR’s resources.

Supplying America’s Families and Businesses with American Energy

  • According to U.S. Geological Survey estimates, the North Slope contains an estimated 10.4 billion barrels of oil.
    • This is more than the known oil reserves of entire countries that the U.S. currently imports oil from, including: Mexico, Angola, Azerbaijan, Norway, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt, Australia and New Zealand, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
  • At peak production, ANWR could supply up to 1.45 million barrels of oil per day.
    • This is more than the U.S. imports from Saudi Arabia every day.
    • Alternatively, 1.45 million barrels of oil per day is over one quarter of what the U.S. imports from OPEC countries each year.

Reducing the Debt, Generating New Federal Revenue

  • Developing ANWR’s resources could generate approximately $150 billion to $296 billion in new federal revenue – a substantial amount that would help pay down our Nation’s debt.
  • Total government revenue, including leases, royalties, and state local and federal taxes for the life of ANWR field production, could be as much as $440 billion.

[…]

US House of Representatives Committee on Natural Resources

There should be no doubt in anyone’s mind that a successful development of ANWR Area 1002 would generate a schistload of money for the Federal and Alaskan governments… Plus it would extend the life of the Trans Alaska Pipeline System (TAPS) for at least another 20-30 years.

Back to the environmentalists’ opinion about Arctic drilling:

Nevertheless, conservation advocates believe opening up the refuge is unlikely, as it has been a “widely unpopular policy on Capitol Hill” historically…

Bills to open up ANWR have generally been filibustered.  Congress did vote to open it up in 1995; President Clinton vetoed it.  Filibusters and vetoes are generally not required to block “widely unpopular policy on Capitol Hill”.

The environmentalists then resort to the “industry isn’t interested” canard…

Chevron, for one, dropped its plans to drill in Canadian waters in the Arctic Ocean in 2014, amid a steep fall in crude oil prices. During a Morning Consult interview with the company in April, a senior Chevron official appeared ambivalent about prospects for increased access to offshore drilling in the Arctic.

In a statement Monday, Chevron spokeswoman Brenda Cosola said the company supports “increased access to federal and private land for the responsible exploration and development of oil and natural gas resources, including the ANWR coastal plain.”

ConocoPhillips, Shell, ENI, Iona Energy, and other oil companies that have Arctic drilling experience did not respond to requests for comment.

Anyone else shocked that most oil companies “did not respond to requests for comment”?  The steep fall in crude oil prices certainly played a part in the decisions of Shell, Chevron and ConocoPhillips to shelve plans for drilling in the Chukchi and Beaufort Seas.  However, regulatory malfeasance also played a major role:

Shell, in a statement, partly attributed its withdrawal to “the unpredictable federal regulatory environment” for offshore drilling, which the company said “made it difficult to operate efficiently.”

[…]

In October, the Interior Department canceled planned lease sales for parcels in the region, citing “low industry interest,” among other factors.

[…]

U.S. News

The funny thing is that all of these companies requested lease extensions so that they could possibly wait out the price crash and regulatory malfeasance.  These requests were denied and the Obama administration withdrew most of the Beaufort and all of the Chukchi OCS areas from leasing, due in part to “low industry interest.”

The “low industry interest” was on display in the first post-Obama lease sales…

‘Surprising’ Alaska oil-lease sale draws big bids

Alex DeMarban Published December 14, 2016

In the wake of two big oil discoveries in Alaska in the past year, exploration companies brushed aside concerns of low oil prices on Wednesday, bidding heavily in state and federal lease sales that were some of the largest in years.

Officials used words like “outstanding” and “surprising” as the bids were opened in state sales held in the Robert B. Atwood Building in downtown Anchorage early Wednesday morning. High bids totaled $17.8 million on tracts covering 633,000 acres on the North Slope and in the coastal Beaufort Sea.

Later in the day at the nearby federal building — where protesters held signs urging President Barack Obama to leave the oil in the ground — the Bureau of Land Management held what was the largest annual lease sale since 2004, when bids totaled $54 million.

Offering land in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, the agency received 92 bids on 67 tracts, generating $18.8 million for 614,000 acres. The state receives half the revenue from the sale, or $9.4 million.

In its 2015 lease sale, BLM received just six bids worth $789,000.

[…]

ADN

Environmentalists’ opinions notwithstanding, Arctic drilling revenue predictions can only be “way off” if the industry is not allowed to exploit ANWR and the Alaska OCS.

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June 20, 2017 at 03:53PM

The radically fragmented and decentralized age of information

The radically fragmented and decentralized age of information

via Climate Etc.
https://judithcurry.com

by Judith Curry

Why real nobodies are more powerful than repressed somebodies.

The U.S. first tweeting President has upended our perceptions on the appropriate method for a President communicate. Millions of people are perplexed and horrified by President Trump’s tweets. Stepping back, Trump is the first President who has grasped the power and possibilities of the internet.  I suspect that the end result of this will be a ‘rewiring of the power circuits’ in the Age of the Internet.

The internet is having a comparable impact on academia, scholars and the definition and behavior of individuals aspiring to be influential in academia, in the policy world and in the world of public intellectuals.

This post was triggered by a superb essay written by Justin Murphy, entitled The affective politics of keeping it real.  Justin Murphy seems like a pretty interesting character:

Why is there not more rebellion against status quo institutions? How have economic and political processes pacified our capacity for radical collective action? As a political scientist, I am interested in the roles played by information, communication, and ideology in the pacification of political resistance and conflict.

Extensive excerpts from his essay:

It once made sense for professional intellectuals to bite their tongue in exchange for the influence they could gain by conforming to the dominant language. For a while, this was arguably rational and defensible—perhaps even a game-theoretic necessity for anyone sincerely interested in cultivating a genuinely public and political intellectual project. While it’s obvious the internet has changed the game, old stereotypes die hard and continue to constrain human potential well after their objective basis has disappeared. In particular, the contemporary stereotype of the public intellectual as a self-possessed professional who regularly appears in “the media” to speak on public affairs in the royal language, is a contingent product of the postwar rise of mass broadcasting (one-to-many) media. In much of the postwar period, the classic “mass media”—newspapers, radio, television—had extremely large, mass audiences and where characterized by high costs of entry. This technical and economic environment offered huge rewards for speaking the dominant language within the paramaters of respectable opinion. It was probably with cable television that a centrifugal tendency began the processes of fragmentation, polarization, and decentralization that would eventually bring us to where we are today.

Today, there is no longer any mass audience to speak to through dominant channels, overwhelming majorities do not trust mass media, and even the cognitively fragmented semi-mass audiences that remain will only listen to what they already think. Not to mention the masses probably have less power today than anytime in the twentieth century, so why bother even trying to speak to the masses? As a young academic, if I play by the rules for the next 10 years so that I might be respected by influential academics or gain access to regularly speaking on BBC or something like that, I would have sacrificed all of my creative energy for quite nearly nothing. As far as I can tell, today, the idea of biding your time as a young and respectable intellectual, to one day earn a platform of political significance, appears finally and fully obsolete. In one sense, this is already obvious to the millions who long ago stopped following mainstream media and long ago lost all respect for academic credentials; but in another sense, an overwhelming number of human beings continue to think, speak, and behave as if we are still operating in this old world, as if there is some reason to not say everything one feels like saying, as if there is some social or political or economic reward that will come toward the end of a respectable career of professional self-restraint. [T]he really striking and politically significant puzzle [is] that an extraordinary degree of human power remains voluntarily repressed for rewards and punishments that no longer exist.

Just as the self-restrained professional intellectual is shaped by the rewards of a media environment long dead, so too are they shaped by punishments which are little more than paranoid fears. Many academics and professionals believe that for the sake of their careers they must exercise the utmost discretion in what they put online, and they confidently tell young people to exercise the same discretion for the sake of their own futures. But the reality is almost the exact opposite. In my now slightly above-average history of recklessly posting to the internet, before and after getting a competitive professional job, the worst that has ever happened is that nobody cares (and that’s most of the time). But the best that has happened, here and there, is that a lot of people care and appreciate it and new friends are made and all kinds of new paths appear, individually and collectively.

The self-restraining, strategic professional intellectual is not only operating on incorrect beliefs but beliefs which are almost exactly inverse to the truth: today, playing by rules of respectability is perhaps the straightest path to unemployment and impotent resentment, while simply cultivating the capacity to say or do something real (by definition prohibited by respectability), is a necessary (and sometimes even sufficient) condition for being genuinely valued by anyone, anywhere. [T]he conventional wisdom still drastically overestimates the punishments and underestimates the rewards of doing so.

I believe there exist objective, micro-political mechanisms whereby being real generates real power; that many people under-estimate or mistrust the objective reality of this mechanism; that many people live under compliant resentment because of incorrect beliefs about how the macro-social institutional environment will respond to their idiosyncratic deviations.

I dream of what would happen if thousands of highly capable intellects currently toiling under institutional respectability suddenly realized they have no reason to self-censor and everything to gain from simply disarming their objectively miscalibrated expression calculators.

JC reflections

While I found this essay insightful and rather exhilarating, sober reflection on the state of academic climate discourse concludes that there remains substantial punishments for even the most modest divergence from the IPCC consensus.  Public dialogue that does not sound the alarm and support particular emissions reductions policies gets ‘punished’ by the climate police.  Even Jim Hansen has been called a denier by he-who-must-not-be-named owing to his support of nuclear energy.

However, if it weren’t for the internet and particularly the blogosphere, dissenting perspectives (from climate scientists and other individuals with a technical background) would have no audience.  As such, the few of us climate scientists who disagree with alarm narrative and have ventured into the public debate actually have an outsized influence on the public debate relative to our numbers.   Myself, Pielke Jr, Pat Michaels and others with perspectives that diverge from the alarm narrative have paid a heavy academic price.  We have all found alternative paths and landed on our feet, but I’m sure that their are individuals that have paid a heavier price.

Trump’s tweeting and his administration more generally are acting to ‘rewire the power circuits’ in the political sphere.  Owing to the intense politicization of the climate debate and climate science itself, perhaps we can look forward in the near term to a similar rewiring of  the academic climate community and the public debate on climate change to include a much broader range of perspectives.

I love this phrase from Murphy’s essay:

I have been able to cultivate and maintain an energetic, autonomous, creative intellectual life that feels to me on the right track intellectually and politically.

This perfectly articulates how I feel, but I had to resign my academic position to reach this point.  Right now, the politically correct world of academia seems stifling to efforts to ‘cultivate an energetic, autonomous, creative intellectual life.’  Sure, there are ‘enforcers’ of political correctness (notably he-who-must-not-be-named), but a lot of this problem relates to paranoia from within the academy. Efforts such as heterodoxacademy.org are on the right track.

I also like the ‘being real’ theme.  Cultivating your own unique voice (actually having something to say that others are interested in listening to) requires reflection, synthesis and assessment of diverse threads of research, and understanding the broader contexts of research in the socio-economic realm.  The rewards to everyone of academics cultivating their own unique voice would be huge, in terms of raising the level of scientific and public discourse.

 

via Climate Etc. https://judithcurry.com

June 20, 2017 at 03:11PM