New Paper by The Heartland Institute Dissects How Carbon Capture and Storage Projects Threaten Property Rights

From the Heartland Institute.

H. Sterling Burnett, Ph.D.

Capturing and storing carbon dioxide is also a massive waste of resources and causes other harms

ARLINGTON HEIGHTS, IL (January 22, 2025) – Carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects have become an increasingly popular method by which climate activists pursue their ultimate goal of global “net-zero” carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. A new paper by The Heartland Institute urges policymakers to push back against CCS projects, which often entail the use of eminent domain to seize private property from landowners.

The paper, titled Carbon Capture & Property Rights: There Is No Justification for Using Carbon Capture and Storage Projects to Abrogate Property Rights, begins with a brief background of the chain of events and overarching agenda that has spawned CCS and an explanation of the CCS process. It then covers the significant public health and environmental problems that can be the direct result of CCS projects, as well as the massive public-private partnerships and funding mechanisms that incentivize the proliferation of CCS.

The paper concludes by clarifying how CCS indeed poses an imminent threat to Americans’ fundamental private property rights and providing specific recommendations for state and federal policymakers to protect those rights and push back against the green agenda.

Some of those recommendations from authors Jack McPherrin, H. Sterling Burnett, Ph.D., and Daylea DuVall Camp include state policymakers eliminating or mitigating the ability for CCS companies to use eminent domain by addressing common carrier designations, and federal policymakers both ceasing the regulation of CO2 as a harmful pollutant and cutting off funding for CCS projects.

Read the full paper here.

The following statements from climate and energy experts at The Heartland Institute may be used for attribution.

“Efforts to foist carbon capture and storage (CCS) initiatives on the energy sector represent a government-backed boondoggle. CCS is scientifically unjustified because we don’t face a climate crisis, as well as economically harmful by raising energy costs. And, in the grift of all grifts, CCS results in the forced sale of peoples’ property. No one should be forced to allow a CCS pipeline to be built across their land, as it serves no public purpose; rather, it just accrues unjustified profits to politically connected green-energy promoters. Politicians and public utility commissions should act to specifically preclude CCS companies from using eminent domain to violate peoples’ constitutionally guaranteed property rights.”

H. Sterling Burnett, Ph.D.

Director, Arthur B. Robinson Center on Climate and Environmental Policy
The Heartland Institute


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January 23, 2025 at 12:03AM

Western offshore wind EIS is MIA

From CFACT

By David Wojick

Last month I analyzed various holes in the draft federal California Programmatic EIS (PEIS) for offshore wind. See.

Now a new report shows that these seemingly big holes are tiny compared to the yawning Programmatic EIS gap created by the Federal Action Plan for West Coast offshore wind development.

To begin with the full California Program is huge compared to the measly five leases covered by the so-called California PEIS. The document I wrote about would be better called the Starter Kit EIS. Plus there is a lot of development off of Oregon and Washington.

I earlier pointed out that the PEIS document did not address the cumulative impact of those five leases; it just looked at the generic impact of one lease. But what is really Missing In Action is an environmental impact assessment for the entire West Coast Program.

The new report bears the long title: “AN ACTION PLAN FOR Offshore Wind Transmission Development in the U.S. West Coast Region” (all caps in the original).

See

The Action Plan is a conceptual design for transmission of offshore generation but in order to do that design you have to know where the generation is so that is included in considerable detail.

Instead of the just five leases considered in the present draft EIS the Action Plan includes about one hundred leases by 2035. These typically occur in clusters of from 5 to 20 leases. Moreover while the total generating capacity for 2035 is 15,000 MW this grows to 33,000 MW in 2050.

Each lease contains numerous huge floating turbines each anchored to the sea floor thousands of feet below with multiple mooring lines. So the environmental impact of each cluster is potentially enormous.

Even worse a series of these clusters basically line the coast especially in Northern California and Southern Oregon. Migrating species might encounter and be adversely affected by this entire series.

The list of endangered or protected species that are threatened is quite long. As I pointed out in my prior article these massive 3D cable arrays are a new form of harassment under the Marine Mammal Protection Act. There are also endangered sea turtles, giant rays, etc., in jeopardy.

The PEIS says a single turbine floater can require up to 12 mooring lines to keep it stable and in place in heavy weather. Assuming 15 MW turbines with a dozen lines each the 15,000 MW development would have 12,000 mooring lines. The 33,000 MW case would have a staggering 26,400 mooring lines, many over 4,000 feet long.

We are talking about thousands of square miles of deep ocean literally filled with webs of cables. Harassment is defined by the Marine Mammal Protection Act as causing behavioral change on a protected animal’s part and these monstrous webs will certainly do that. This very large scale continuous harassment should be carefully assessed.

The PEIS also briefly mentions the threat of “secondary entanglement” in the nets, lines and other debris that are caught on these cables over time. The potential adverse effects of this deadly accumulation needs to be assessed in detail before any offshore projects are approved.

The clear solution to these mooring line threats is to severely constrain the number of harassment authorizations. With these very limited authorizations very few new offshore wind projects can be built. Nor should they be since they are environmentally destructive. Each project requires a large number of authorizations so drastically reducing their number drastically reduces the number of offshore wind projects.

The simplest way to do this is to cap the total number of wind authorizations that will be issued throughout the Program for a given exposed population. This is analogous to capping the emission of dangerous pollutants. One could even have a cap and trade program where developers bid for authorizations just as they now bid for leases. The 1990 cap and trade program for power plant sulfur dioxide emissions is an obvious analog.

If the cumulative harassment were limited to say 10% of the exposed population of each threatened species this would severely constrain offshore wind development.

In summary the so-called California Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement is nothing of the kind. The full Offshore Wind Program needs to be assessed for the entire West Coast before any project is approved for construction. This required assessment is Missing in Action.

Based on this assessment the cumulative impacts then have to be minimized. Capping the authorized harassment of each threatened species may be the best way to avoid destructive impacts.


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January 22, 2025 at 08:05PM

Visitech.ai – Data Made Simple – Weather History

Only four minutes on app.visitech.ai is enough to learn a tremendous amount about the weather history of the US and Australia.

About Tony Heller

Just having fun

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January 22, 2025 at 06:28PM

The scourge of prosocial censorship

by John Ridgway

How an emergent scientific consensus results from social engineering enabled by prosocial censorship.

A recent research paper published in The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences argued that both self-censorship and the prosocial censorship of colleagues are commonplace within the sciences — and the problem is only getting worse. Some of the figures make for grim reading:

“A recent national survey of US faculty at four-year colleges and universities found the following: 1) 4 to 11% had been disciplined or threatened with discipline for teaching or research; 2) 6 to 36% supported soft punishment (condemnation, investigations) for peers who make controversial claims, with higher support among younger, more left-leaning, and female faculty; 3) 34% had been pressured by peers to avoid controversial research; 4) 25% reported being ‘very’ or ‘extremely’ likely to self-censor in academic publications; and 5) 91% reported being at least somewhat likely to self-censor in publications, meetings, presentations, or on social media.”

The case of Lennart Bengtsson

On 30th April 2014 a Swedish meteorologist caused shock waves to reverberate across the international community of climate scientists. This was not because he had made a major discovery, nor had he been involved in a scientific scandal. But what he had done was to commit the cardinal sin of joining the sceptical Global Warming Policy Foundation (GWPF). The reason why to some this was so shocking was because he wasn’t just any old Swedish meteorologist; he was Professor Lennart Bengtsson, the former head of research at the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts before becoming its director until 1990. He had then moved on to become director of the Max Planck Institute for Meteorology in Hamburg. Amongst his many accolades he had been awarded the Milutin Milankovic Medal in 1996, the René Descartes Prize for Collaborative Research in 2005, and the 51st International Meteorological Organization Prize of the World Meteorological Organization in 2006. In 2009 he was made an honorary fellow of the Royal Meteorological Society in recognition of his contribution to meteorology.

Only a fortnight later the same Swedish meteorologist caused an aftershock by resigning from the same foundation. The self-appointed guardians of scientific truth at DeSmog will tell you that it was because he hadn’t quite realised what a shower of reprobates he had joined and so he quickly learned to regret his actions. However, this is what Bengtsson said in his resignation letter:

“I have been put under such an enormous group pressure in recent days from all over the world that has become virtually unbearable to me. If this is going to continue I will be unable to conduct my normal work and will even start to worry about my health and safety. I see therefore no other way out therefore than resigning from GWPF…Colleagues are withdrawing their support, other colleagues are withdrawing from joint authorship etc. I see no limit and end to what will happen. It is a situation that reminds me about the time of McCarthy. I would never have expecting anything similar in such an original peaceful community as meteorology. Apparently it has been transformed in recent years.”

Bengtsson’s censorious colleagues seemed quick to prove his point by denouncing his accusation that they had denounced him. Gavin Schmidt, for example, dismissed his reference to McCarthyism as being “ridiculous”, suggesting instead that it was the brave scientists such as himself who were the real victims of a witch hunt.

Appalling though it may seem that Professor Bengtsson should have been treated this way, he cannot claim to have not seen it coming. Earlier that same year a paper, in which he had the temerity to suggest that the projected warming was unlikely to be anywhere near as bad as others had maintained, was rejected by the scientific journal Environmental Research Letters on the basis that his findings were “less than helpful“. By way of clarification, the peer reviewer concerned added the reproof, “actually it [the paper] is harmful as it opens the door for oversimplified claims of ‘errors’ and worse from the climate-skeptic media side“. When Bengtsson and others, such as meteorologist Hans von Storch, condemned the rejection as scandalous, the journal’s publisher was eager to play down the comments made by the peer reviewer, claiming instead that the paper simply did not meet the journal’s high standards. Yes, that old chestnut.

Prosocial censorship

What Bengtsson had in fact been subjected to is prosocial censorship. It is a form of censorship in which work is rejected, and individuals cancelled, not because the work is substandard or flawed, but because it threatens to undermine a cherished ideology or someone else’s concept of societal safety and harmony. Such censorship is never portrayed as such, of course; the reason given is always that the individual(s) concerned were peddling substandard work leading to harmful misinformation.

For example, if you were to be an Emeritus Professor of Risk with an international reputation for expertise in forensic statistics, but you then produced work that called into question government figures that seemed to be misrepresenting the severity of a pandemic or the safety and effectiveness of vaccines, you could expect your career to be cancelled on the basis that you are peddling harmful misinformation.

If, for example, you were to be a consultant psychiatrist and psychotherapist with more than fifteen years of experience pioneering psychotherapy for patients with gender dysphoria, but you then dared to say that everything in your professional experience had led you to the inescapable conclusion that transgender activists were guilty of promoting inappropriate physical interventions to deal with a basically psychological problem, then you could expect to be denounced as “the most evil dangerous Nazi Psychiatrist in the world” — and a transphobe for good measure.

If, for example, you were a physicist at CERN with a bright future ahead of you, but were then to suggest that the unbalanced gender representation within your field had nothing to do with patriarchy and everything to do with inherent gender traits, then you could expect to be vilified as a misogynist and ostracised by your fellow scientists.

And if, for example, you were to be a prominent climate scientist who had pointed out that self-censorship was rife within your field and that it was responsible for the absence of papers published in prominent journals that quantify both the climatic and non-climatic causations of wildfires, then you could expect the likes of the Grantham Institute’s Bob Ward to bleat that “Unfortunately, his bogus narrative has predictably been seized upon by the opponents of action to tackle climate change“. Worse still, none other than Professor Ken Rice (think poor man’s Sabine Hossenfelder) would be moved to refer to you as if you are now dead to them:

“Given that there can be preferred narratives within scientific communities, it is always good for there to be people who are regarded as credible and who push back against them. Even if you don’t agree with them, they can still present views that are worth thinking about. In my view, Patrick used to be one of those people.” [His emphasis]

Oh, the shame of it all!

In the above examples, the common narrative is one of a previously respected expert who had sadly fallen from grace because they couldn’t help themselves and had allowed their toxic opinions to compromise their ability to stick to the truth. As a consequence, they instantaneously transform into incompetent bad actors who are a danger to society, heartily deserving of prompt and emphatic prosocial censorship.

To be clear, these are not isolated examples.

There are, however, trends to be observed. Censorship is more of a problem in the social sciences than within STEM faculties. Women are keener to censor than are their male colleagues. And whilst right-leaning academics are more likely to engage in self-censorship, the left-leaning are far more likely to approve of the prosocial censorship of a colleague. Since prosocial censorship biases both the selection and promotion of staff members, it follows that the system is currently structured in such a way as to entrench the preponderance of left-leaning academics in senior positions. Worse still, the appetite for prosocial censorship is greater within the ranks of the PhDs than it is within faculty staff, suggesting that – to borrow a turn of phrase favoured by climate scientists – the problem is baked in for the future.

As the terminology suggests, those who advocate prosocial censorship will often do so for what they perceive to be the best of possible motives. Most commonly, the intention is to prevent research from being appropriated by “malevolent actors to support harmful policies and attitudes”. Sometimes the research is considered too dangerous to pursue, and in many other cases the censorship is aimed at protecting vulnerable groups. However, no matter how well-intended, the censorship comes with many obvious risks, the clearest of which is the possible suppression of the truth in the cause of a ‘greater good’.

At its most petty, all that may be at stake is one person’s reputation at the expense of a competitor. At its most extreme, prosocial censorship could involve a “wilful blindness of authorities” covering up a heinous crime for fear of offending a section of society, or for fear of giving encouragement to a right-wing that is assumed to be looking for any excuse to destabilise. Somewhere in the middle are the concerns harboured by the climate sceptic. Whilst we understand that science is not supposed to operate by consensus, we would, nevertheless, like to believe that an emergent consensus is the result of a developing common knowledge, rather than the result of social engineering enabled by prosocial censorship. Unfortunately, knowing that Professor Bengtsson’s experiences are far from unique does nothing to encourage such a belief. And, when all is said and done, that is the greatest shame of all. Prosocial censorship may seem a good idea, but it isn’t in the least bit desirable when it undermines the integrity of a discipline and causes widespread distrust amongst the wider community.

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January 22, 2025 at 06:08PM