Month: July 2020

Bad Medicine: Why Hydrogen Gas Ain’t No Cure For Intermittent Wind & Solar

There’s a whiff of desperation surrounding wind and solar advocates touting hydrogen gas as the next ‘green’ energy Nirvana.

Renewable energy rent seekers have seized on the concept of producing hydrogen gas using wind and solar as a way of converting useless, unpredictable and unreliable electricity into something that can be used as and when consumers need it; rather than something that depends on the whims of mother nature.

The Great Hydrogen Hoax is now universal, with European crony capitalists pinning their fading hopes on the gas, as Dr John Constable details below.

Why Europe’s ‘Green’ Hydrogen Hype Is Likely To Flop
Global Warming Policy Forum
John Constable
8 July 2020

The European Commission will present its new hydrogen strategy today. As renewables run into the thermodynamic sands, desperate Net Zero advocates are invoking hydrogen as saviour of the EU’s green energy agenda.

Hydrogen is dangerous; hydrogen is safe; hydrogen is cheap; hydrogen is very expensive; hydrogen is old hat; hydrogen is the future. Hydrogen is… all things to all men, and every one of these contradictory claims is more or less true from some perspective. Whatever hydrogen is, it is a very buoyant gas and makes for the perfect climate political football. Indeed, the authentic promise of hydrogen is rapidly becoming the victim of failing green policies.

As renewables run into the thermodynamic sands all over the world, desperate advocates are covering up their disastrously bad advice by calling for still more ambitious, Net Zero emissions targets. To make these extreme demands look plausible hydrogen is invoked as an energy carrier for those sectors where it is most difficult to create the appearance of decarbonisation.

The United Kingdom is a good example of the emerging European approach. The UK is planning to burn hydrogen rather than natural gas to generate electricity to balance and secure the unstable wind and solar system created by $12 billion a year in subsidy. Hydrogen will replace diesel for agricultural traction and for trucks, and will supply almost all industrial process heat. Converted to ammonia, hydrogen will replace bunker fuels for marine transport. And to ensure that domestic households don’t resort to resistive electric heating when their Ground and Air Source Heat Pumps fail to deliver on the coldest days of the year, every house will have a back-up hydrogen fuelled boiler.

For climate policy makers suffering from Net Zero headaches hydrogen is the universal aspirin. Take as many as you need, and lie down in a darkened room until the news cycle moves on.

But this desperate face-saving haste means that hydrogen must be generated by two relatively unsophisticated commodity production processes, namely the electrolysis of water and the chemical reforming of natural gas using steam (Steam Methane Reforming). Both processes are acceptable if hydrogen is required for niche and non-energy purposes, but it is a plain foolish to suggest using them for the production of hydrogen as a society-wide energy carrier. There are four principal disadvantages.

Firstly, the costs will be huge. Steam Methane Reformers and electrolysers are expensive to build and to run, and electrolysers at least do not have long plant lives, implying a short capital refreshment cycle. To this we can add the replacement of end conversion devices and the establishment of hydrogen infrastructure, pipelines, and storage systems ranging from tanks to salt caverns.

Secondly, due to conversion and storage losses, hydrogen from electrolysis and SMR can never in principle compete economically with its own input fuels. The consumer will always be better served by using the electricity and natural gas directly. Consequently, there will be substantial competitive advantages for economies that do not hobble themselves with hydrogen.

Thirdly, Steam Methane Reforming emits large quantities of carbon-dioxide, compromising any Net Zero target unless the SMRs are equipped with Carbon Capture and Sequestration, which is expensive and currently unavailable at scale. Indeed, what the current hype around hydrogen reveals is that the global Net Zero targets are in fact critically dependent on methane – the UK plans to derive 80% of its annual 270 TWh of hydrogen from SMRs – and are therefore a gamble on Carbon Capture. But if CCS becomes viable, which is possible, it will be more effective to use the methane directly in Combined Cycle Gas Turbines with CCS, and supply the consumer with electricity, and there would be no reason to make hydrogen, with all its attendant costs, problems and dangers.

Finally, the production of hydrogen from both electrolysis and SMRs uses large quantities of clean, fresh water. The UK’s current hydrogen target would increase national water consumption by between 1 and 2 percent at a time when climate policy advisors are themselves predicting a constrained fresh water supply, with deficits in a quarter of the country’s resource zones towards mid-century.

This is clearly bad hydrogen. Is there a good hydrogen? Perhaps. As long ago as the early 1970s the physicist Cesare Marchetti, then EURATOM, persuaded the Japanese government that hydrogen might have a future as a universal energy carrier if it was generated from a very high quality energy source, such as high temperature nuclear reactors, and through the thermal decomposition of sea-water in the presence of a suitable catalyst. Japan continues to work quietly on this. But the nuclear and chemical engineering problems are of the first order, and results will not come quickly. But at least the concept has authentic physical promise.

Indeed, it is perhaps the only fossil-free energy future that also preserves human well-being. Those jeopardising that future by forcing rapid and sub-optimal adoption of hydrogen in order to prolong the current mal-engineered renewables farce should hang their heads in shame.

For more information about the cost, benefit and limits of hydrogen see John Constable’s new report Hydrogen: The Once And Future Fuel (pdf)
Global Warming Policy Forum

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July 29, 2020 at 02:31AM

Getting to the Truth: Who Cares? Perhaps the High Court

Many of us know that there is little to no quality assurance of much of the environmental science that comes out of universities across the Western world. Yet academics are the new demigods, revered by so many while often just making stuff-up to fit the zeitgeist. So many within the university system that have tried to speak-up have been silenced, and then sacked.

Peter Ridd ‘s much publicised sacking has shown some of the tactics routinely used. And he lost in the Federal Court last week.

But again, he is not giving-up. Now is your opportunity to support him in his push to show the injustice through a hearing at the High Court of Australia. You can donate here:

https://gf.me/u/x5frxt

Yes, Peter is appealing the decision of the Federal Court to the High Court of Australia.

The case is of enormous public importance, for free speech and also the traditions of the scientific method. As the Chairman of the IPA, Janet Albrechtsen, wrote in The Australian newspaper on 25 July 2020:

Remember that Ridd wasn’t querying the interpretation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. He was raising questions, in one particular area of his expertise, about the quality of climate change science. One of the fundamental challenges of our generation is to get the science right so we can settle on the right climate change policies. JCU told Ridd to keep quiet, then it sacked him. And a court has endorsed its actions.

JCU’s conduct, and the court’s decision, has sent intellectual inquiry down the gurgler in the 21st century at an institution fundamental to Western civilisation. Is that to be legacy of JCU’s vice-chancellor Sandra Harding? And what oversight has JCU’s governing council provided to this reputational damage, not to mention the waste of taxpayer dollars, in pursuing a distinguished scientist who was admired by his students?

Following this decision, no academic can assume that an Australian university will allow the kind of robust debate held at Oxford University in 1860 between the bishop of Oxford, Samuel Wilberforce, and Thomas Henry Huxley, a biologist and proponent of Darwin’s theory of evolution.

The Historical Journal records how this legendary encounter unfolded: ‘The Bishop rose, and in a light scoffing tone, florid and fluent he assured us there was nothing in the idea of evolution: rock-pigeons were what rock-pigeons have always been. Then, turning to his antagonist with a smiling insolence, he begged to know, was it through his grandfather or his grandmother that he claimed his descent from a monkey? On this Mr Huxley slowly and deliberately arose. A slight tall figure stern and pale, very quiet and very grave, he stood before us, and spoke those tremendous words … He was not ashamed to have a monkey for his ancestor, but he would be ashamed to be connected with a man who used his great gifts to obscure the truth.’

Not for nothing, Ridd’s lawyers submitted this example of intellectual freedom during the first trial. In sacking Ridd, and to win in court, JCU had to argue against the means that seeks the truth — intellectual freedom.

In deciding whether to grant special leave for the appeal, the High Court will consider whether the case involves ‘a question of law that is of public importance’. The Ridd matter easily meets this threshold. It would be the first time the High Court has been called upon to consider the meaning of ‘academic and intellectual freedom’, which is used in enterprise agreements covering staff at almost all Australian universities.

The court’s decision will therefore have very real consequences in terms of university governance, and the extent to which administrators tolerate controversial (and, often, commercially inconvenient) opinions from the professoriate. (Now I’m quoting from my colleague Gideon Rozner, published in today’s The Australian.)

Should ‘intellectual freedom’ be limited by the whims of university administrators, as the university is arguing? Or should it be wide enough to allow for the kind of controversial, but honestly held opinions for which Dr Ridd was ultimately sacked?

The Federal Court’s answer to that question is deeply disturbing. In its judgment last week, the majority seemed to suggest that free speech on campus is past its use-by date.

‘There is little to be gained in resorting to historical concepts of academic freedom,’ claimed justices Griffiths and Derrington in the majority judgement. They were quoting from an academic textbook outlining ‘a host of new challenges’, like ‘the rise of social media’ and ‘student demands for accommodations such as content warnings and safe spaces’ as reasons for doing away with the concept of intellectual freedom.

While I am not suggesting the judges acted improperly, it is worrying that the boundaries of free speech should be defined in this way.

Intellectual freedom and free speech are not antiquated notions. They are ancient and important rights through which we may get closer to the truth. And there will always be a percentage of us that care about the truth, that seek it out regardless of the consequences.

Peter Ridd and me, just south of Bowen in August 2019. The other side of the mudflat are all the corals that Terry Hughes couldn’t find. More here:https://ift.tt/39NylMt

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Beyond the corals, beyond the mudflat, and across the coral sea is Australia’s continental shelf that drops in places, 2,000 metres to the ocean floor.

Much of that edge is covered in coral, growing vertically so invisible to aerial surveys.

I SCUBA-dived this edge in January 2020, when the photograph at the top of this blog post was taken. Yes, there is still so much coral and it is so beautiful. Much of it is in shades of beige.

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July 29, 2020 at 02:15AM

California’s Proposed Pandemic Revisions to Cap & Trade: It’s (Still) a Tax!

The foundation upon which the courts decided Cap and Trade was not a tax was an argument that it was a fee for permission to emit. That seems to have all but been forgotten. The diminution of offsets as a way to control emissions, in order to maintain state revenue levels, pretty clearly shows it’s not the emissions but the revenue that concerns the legislature. -Tom Tanton (below)

Due to the government-directed business shutdowns in response to the coronavirus, California’s greenhouse gas emissions have reportedly fallen the most since World War II (minus 5%), which is what environmentalists have long said they wished for. But along with it, cap-and-trade revenues from industrial purchases of pollution allowances dropped from $600-$850 million per quarter in 2019 to $25 million in May 2020, a 97-percent decrease from the prior year’s peak permit auction.

In response, the California legislature has requested that Cap-and-Trade regulations be reevaluated to try to intentionally sell fewer pollution permits to increase revenues. Assemblywoman Christina Garcia (D) stated: The legislature, the nonprofits, the activists now need to figure out how to take advantage of this opportunity”.

The above legislative directive runs against court rulings that cap-and-trade revenues are not a tax, but a license fee. To understand this issue, I interviewed Tom Tanton, Director of Science and Technology Assessment for the Energy and Environmental Legal Institute and former principal policy advisor to the California Energy Commission. 

Question 1: The legislature has been asked to revise the cap-and-trade program now that revenues have fallen, despite a simultaneous historic drop in emissions.

Tanton: It is astounding that the legislature is surprised, as the program is designed and intended to reduce emissions, which has happened, however, for entirely different reasons.

Question 2: Now the legislature wants to covertly find a way to increase revenues during what may be a prolonged economic depression to fund the legislature’s pet political projects and patrons without calling it a tax. 

Tanton: A rose by any other name would smell as sweet.

Question 3: It is interesting that emissions have dropped to an historic low due to virus epidemic shutdowns of the economy.

Tanton: I believe this standard was met earlier without the virus.

Question 4: Apparently CARB never factored a (man-made) economic depression into their program models.

Tanton: Nor many other emission-reducing factors. Nor did they consider an emission increasing factor (actually a slower reduction) due to government ineptitude in ‘fighting a market failure’.

Question 5: California’s cap-and-trade program’s pollution allowances to private industry dropped from $600 million in February 2020 at its February auction to $25 million out of $57 million worth of pollution permits auctioned at its May auction. In its design, was a man-made economic depression accounted for?

Tanton: Nor many other emission-reducing factors. Nor did they consider an emission increasing factor (actually a slower reduction) due to government ineptitude in ‘fighting a market failure’”. Nor were technological advances. The earlier, Great recession in 2008, resulted in emission targets being met, but the program had to continue.

Question 6: In a few words, what are some of the more cost-effective ways to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the upper atmosphere (not same as visual smog)?

Tanton: For any measure to be ‘cost effective,’ the cost of reduction needs to be less than the benefit from reduction. The latter is typically measured by the ‘social cost of carbon.’ Some simple measures like improving the efficiency of power plants can go long way to reducing emissions, but are difficult to implement when other favored, but sporadic, technologies like wind and solar cause them to operate like your car in stop and go traffic … way lower efficiency and way higher emissions.

Allowing power plants to operate more in steady state would be one way. Another way would be to increase water allotments to farmers, (rather than flushing it out to sea) allowing them to increase crop production… that photosynthesis eats up carbon pretty well.

Question 7: One of the proposed reforms in the 334-page proposal to amend the program is to set up a system of so-called market-floating prices for pollution permits.  By withholding allowances from the market prices rise and as allowances are released prices fall.  But currently the way prices are set for allowances is by regulatory fiat, not markets.  Then why is this called a market program?

Tanton: Well, if you listen carefully they often say “market-like”. A true market is a set of willing sellers and willing buyers. The former is missing entirely, while the latter is pretty iffy. The fiats were implemented to avoid real chaos emulating the 2000 energy crisis.

Question 8: If there is another consecutive low revenue auction, wouldn’t that result in a lot of price unpredictability? 

Tanton: There is no doubt it’s there. Another low revenue auction would wake those still enamored with it to it’s ludicrous nature.  It would also likely be a lagging indicator of business flight from California.  Less snarky, it may just be an indicator of the on-going re-structuring of the California economy (less making, more doing. Less manufacturing and more services) to less carbon intensive activities.  I’ve always said Cap and Trade was industrial policy more so than environmental.

Question 9: I found data that says 13,000 businesses have moved out of California since 2007.  To what degree are emissions decreasing due to cap-and-trade and to relocations? 

Tanton: Ahh, there’s the rub. Emissions are not decreasing due to cap and trade, in my opinion.  Emissions that continue are just paid for through a system of indulgences (that’s what cap and trade does, just makes you pay for them).

Relocations, if they are a relocation and not a shut down, just continue the emissions elsewhere (at the new location). That my friend is called leakage.

There are two types: economic leakage (jobs and Gross State Product) and emissions leakage (emissions.)  But the emissions are of global import, sayeth the Anthropogenic Global Warming (AGW) crowd and matters not if they occur in-state or in, say, Idaho or Indonesia. It’s just virtue signaling.

Question 10: New California Assembly Bill 398 limits the allowances that industries can use to offset pollution that is estimated will result in a $16 billion ($4 billion per quarter) in Cap and Trade annual pollution permit auction revenues.  How will this new revenue generating formula work out?

Tanton: Part of the problem is that the compliance mechanism is so complex and sensitive to minor perturbations, so the politicians’ answer is to make it more complex and sensitive? The foundation upon which the courts decided Cap and Trade was not a tax was an argument that it was a fee for permission to emit.  That seems to have all but been forgotten. The diminution of offsets as a way to control emissions, in order to maintain state revenue levels, pretty clearly shows it’s not the emissions but the revenue that concerns the legislature.

———————————

Note: This article, edited for MasterResource, previously appeared in CaliforniaGlobe.com

The post California’s Proposed Pandemic Revisions to Cap & Trade: It’s (Still) a Tax! appeared first on Master Resource.

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July 29, 2020 at 01:08AM

Peter Gleick Sticks Up for Malthusianism

Reposted from Climate Scepticism

2018 Sagan Prize winner, Peter Gleick, has written a  review of Michael Shellenberger’s new book, Apocalypse Never and it’s been getting a lot of links from Shellenberger’s critics. He starts out with a description of the two  opposed philosophies of Cornucopianism and Malthusianism and how they apply to environmentalism. The review is illustrated with side by side drawings of a cornucopia (a horn shaped basket full of goods) and a portrait of Thomas Malthus. A lot of Shellenberger’s criticism of environmentalism is that it’s slipped into an extreme Malthusianism. Malthus is sort of an embarrassment (or should be) for environmentalists. He argued in his famous essay (first published anonymously) that population would grow geometrically and outstrip resources, which only grew arithmetically. One would expect him to be more associated with villains such as Mel Profitt, the Kevin Spacey character in the late ’80s TV series, Wiseguy.

Go to 13 minutes in if it doesn’t start there.

Gleick doesn’t specifically identify as a Malthusian, but he does dismiss Cornucopians with a series of bland links:

Two Cornucopian ideas lie at the heart of this book: The first idea is that there are no real “limits to growth” and environmental problems are the result of poverty and will be solved by having everyone get richer. This idea isn’t original and has long been debunked by others (for a few examples see hereherehere, and here).

The second Cornucopian idea he refers to is Shellenberger’s advocacy of nuclear power. He quotes Shellenberger from the book: “Only nuclear, not solar and wind, can provide abundant, reliable, and inexpensive heat” and “Only nuclear energy can power our high-energy human civilization while reducing humankind’s environmental footprint.” He does not make any counter arguments.

While he severely criticizes the book, he does seem a bit uncharacteristically respectful of Shellenberger as opposed to his usual invective against people he disagrees with such as Donna Laframboise. He wields a lot of nitpicking and hairsplitting over distinctions between concepts like natural disasters and increases in extreme weather. Being something of a water expert, he catches Shellenberger in a technical flub of saying gas plants use 25 to 50 times less water than coal plants. He also points out wind and solar not requiring water as an important omission. Of course, the lions share of any backup for this limited share of the electricity mix will require water. He claims the book is riddled with a variety of such simple errors and that their “number and scope”  is “problematic”. I doubt it. Shellenberger was an anthropology major, which is not considered a major STEM field, but he has a very good overview and lots of experience in energy and environmental issues. His arguments for higher energy density and availability are very strong and are his main arguments. If Gleick had anything to counter them, he wouldn’t leave them “beyond the scope of this review”.

He has a remarkable paragraph that sums up his views of Malthusianism vs Cornucopianism:

There is uncertainty about the best path forward. Those who believe the evidence shows our current path crosses dangerous planetary limits and may lead to severe environmental and social disruption can’t prove an apocalyptic future will happen – they’re arguing we must do what we can to avoid it. But neither can Cornucopians prove that narrow technological solutions and unconstrained economic growth will avoid those catastrophic futures. The imbalance of these viewpoints is key however: if Malthusians are wrong, all they would have done is made the world a better place. If Cornucopians are wrong, apocalyptic outcomes are indeed a real possibility.

If Malthusians are wrong, all they would have done is made the world a better place? Really? Does perpetuating energy poverty make the world a better place? If Cornucopians Can’t prevent apocalyptic outcomes, does that mean Malthusians can? I think Malthusians might be likely to cause apocalyptic outcomes. Shellenberger’s Policy prescriptions are based on decades of work and study in the fields of energy and environment. Gleick’s appear to be based on the popular but superficial Joel Pett cartoon.

Gleick quotes H. L. Mencken, “there is always a well-known solution to every human problem – neat, plausible, and wrong.” I’d like to suggest another Mencken quote that Gleick might consider for self examination:

Puritanism: The haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy.

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July 29, 2020 at 12:06AM