Adios Socialized Energy, Welcome Free Market Energy

tippinsights Editorial Board  explains this critical moment in the power struggle over whether the US will have an Energy Sector controlled by Federal diktats or by Market choices. Their article is Adios, Green New Deal. Welcome, Free-Market Energy Independence.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

Trump Dismantles the Green Agenda, Embraces Capitalism,
and Launches America’s New Energy Future.

Buried within the 1,100-page bill recently passed by the House of Representatives—the “One Big, Beautiful Bill” that reflects President Trump’s priorities—are several provisions that, if enacted into law, could return the U.S. energy sector to a more capitalistic model.

President Joe Biden, with strong backing from environmental lobbyists and a last-minute defection from West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin, pushed through the Inflation Reduction Act and the Infrastructure Bill. These measures allocated billions of dollars in federal credits and loan guarantees to favored industries, all under the banner of environmental protection.

What followed was a Soviet-style industrial strategy in which
a handful of Washington bureaucrats determined
the winners and losers of America’s energy future.

The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) 2022 contained “Climate and energy investments” of approximately $369 billion over 10 years. These included $270 billion for clean energy tax credits to support wind, solar, geothermal, and other renewables; clean hydrogen production; and carbon capture and storage technologies. Buyers of electric vehicles would get up to a $7,500 tax credit for new EVs and up to a $4,000 tax credit for used EVs (with income and manufacturing origin restrictions). Tax credits and funding for domestic manufacturing of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, and critical minerals exceeded $60 billion. Rebates for energy-efficient appliance upgrades, heat pumps, insulation, and home weatherization exceeded $60 billion under the Green Jobs and Environmental Justice banner.

With so much federal money up for grabs, greedy entrepreneurs flocked to risky green energy ventures, largely funded by grants and low-interest loans—funding they likely wouldn’t have secured through private markets. We all remember the Obama-era Solyndra disaster, but Biden’s approach was Solyndra-style investment on steroids.

What was worse, Biden used the vast levers of federal power to kneecap perfectly functioning industries. His administration was especially punitive toward the oil and gas sector: it suspended leases on federal land, blocked vast swaths of the Pacific, Atlantic, and Gulf coasts from new drilling, canceled major pipelines, and imposed regulatory hurdles that made it increasingly difficult for the fossil fuel industry to attract investment capital. As oil prices steadily rose, Biden’s energy strategy relied on tapping the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and urging Saudi Arabia to increase production—an ironic move given his simultaneous efforts to restrict Russian oil exports during the Ukraine war.

President Trump, who campaigned once again on the
“drill, baby, drill” message, has consistently opposed
such government interference in the energy markets.

He has long supported removing regulatory red tape and streamlining the permitting process to allow for increased oil production—lowering domestic prices and boosting exports. In December 2019, under Trump’s administration, the U.S. Energy Information Administration announced that America had become a net exporter of oil for the first time in nearly 60 years.

Biden’s green agenda had another critical flaw: financing. Much of it depended on borrowing from Chinaironically benefiting Chinese companies dominating the very industries Biden sought to boost. Since the launch of China’s “Made in China 2025” initiative, Chinese firms—heavily subsidized by their government—have taken over more than 85% of the global rooftop solar panel market. Battery components for solar installations have even higher Chinese market dominance. In effect, Biden borrowed money from China to finance the growth of Chinese companies that sold solar products to U.S. installers.

The new House bill aims to dismantle this entire framework in one stroke.

♦  It eliminates the trading of green credits between corporations;
♦  revokes low-interest green loans, and
♦  entirely phases out subsidies for renewable energy initiatives.

To those who claim this approach is irresponsible, we pose a simple question: How many more decades should the green energy sector rely on government aid to stay afloat? Sustainable energy and transition projects are essential, but they must prove their viability in the open market—just like oil and gas companies do every day. This is classic Adam Smith-style capitalism: let competition and innovation—not government favoritism—determine success.

Trump also supports nuclear power, one of the cleanest
and most efficient methods of generating electricity.

Critics on the Left often call nuclear energy dangerous, but even the most liberal nations—France, Germany, and Japan—have long depended on it. The only significant U.S. nuclear accident, Three Mile Island in the 1980s, did not result in any deaths. Despite Japan’s vulnerability to natural disasters, it maintained a strong safety record until Fukushima. The U.S., by contrast, is less prone to earthquakes or tsunamis, yet Congress and successive administrations have consistently stymied progress on nuclear energy.

This week, Trump signed an executive order that could clear the way for small-scale nuclear plants to begin operations within the next 18 months. These modern reactors, based on cutting-edge American technology, are far safer than their predecessors and are designed to power small cities or neighborhoods rather than entire states. Every aspect of nuclear energy today—from fuel storage to waste disposal—is light-years ahead of where it was decades ago. It’s a national disgrace that despite having world-class nuclear capabilities—including naval reactors and the world’s second-largest nuclear arsenal—our federal policies have hampered the civilian nuclear industry.

By issuing appropriate permitting waivers, Trump aims to unlock this potential, even if a modest federal investment is necessary to overcome ideological resistance from the Left. Energy independence and security should have been the hallmarks of the Obama and Biden administrations. Instead, they catered to the demands of environmental activists and weakened America’s energy position.

We are glad to say that the Green New Deal is dead.

 

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May 28, 2025 at 04:33PM

Free Speech wins: Trump declares, no US Visas for any foreign official who censors Americans

American Eagle Catches Plane

By Jo Nova

Nothing like mucking up the holiday plans of the overbearing bureaucrat…

To combat the rise of the Blob’s new insidious censorship laws Donald Trump will deny visas to any foreign officials who are or were involved in censorship of American citizens.

Suddenly EU lawmakers, and Brazilian Judges will find they can’t get a visa to the USA, and the ban may apply to their family members too.

This should slow down the spread of new cancerous “content moderation” laws around the world, and the attacks on the US Tech Giants. It would also apply to the Australian Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese if he brings back the Misinformation and Disinformation laws he tried to rush through last November.

Thus, it may be that Donald Trump may yet prevent some of the worst laws ever dreamed up in Australia (hallalujah). Not that anyone in the government will ever admit that.

Press Statement, Marco Rubio, Secretary of State

Today, I am announcing a new visa restriction policy that will apply to foreign nationals who are responsible for censorship of protected expression in the United States. It is unacceptable for foreign officials to issue or threaten arrest warrants on U.S. citizens or U.S. residents for social media posts on American platforms while physically present on U.S. soil. It is similarly unacceptable for foreign officials to demand that American tech platforms adopt global content moderation policies or engage in censorship activity that reaches beyond their authority and into the United States. We will not tolerate encroachments upon American sovereignty, especially when such encroachments undermine the exercise of our fundamental right to free speech.

One of the worst offenders, the EU, brought in the “Digital Services Act,” (DSA) which threatens monster fines of 6% of global turnover if companies did not “moderate content” to the EU’s vague, ambiguous satisfaction. This would have meant all the large platforms would have had to second guess what was acceptable speech, and censor it automatically. These censorship-by-proxy laws meant the EU could technically claim they weren’t censoring anyone directly, but in reality, they were farming out the censorship to platforms like X, Meta, Google, Apple and Amazon. And because of the risk of obscene fines, the lawyers for all these companies would have been sweating on their automated word hunts, and the censorship would have been worse than if the EU did it openly.

The EU wanted to be the Global Regulator of the Internet. Most of the large platforms would not want to run two different mirror platforms in order to comply with the EU rules, so they would adopt the new moderation rules around the world.

By Simon Lewis and Daphne Psaledakis, Reuters

WASHINGTON, May 28 (Reuters) – The U.S. will impose visa bans on foreign nationals it deems to be censoring Americans, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Wednesday, and he suggested the new policy could target officials regulating U.S. tech companies.

U.S. tech companies and the Trump administration have challenged U.S. allies in Europe, alleging censorship of social media platforms. Restricting officials from visiting the U.S. appeared to be an escalation by Washington.

The dispute comes as the EU seeks a trade deal with Washington to avoid President Donald Trump’s threatened 50% tariffs on European imports. Rubio’s announcement came just before he met with German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul in Washington.

The Australian government dreams of bringing in its own worse-version of the EU laws

The Combatting Misinformation Laws here, would have been more draconian, more sweeping and apply to even smaller platforms, including fines for solo bloggers. The Australian rules were aimed at stopping people professing things that “undermined trust in institutions” or caused “harm to public health” so (don’t criticize vaccines, don’t be nasty to the ABC, BoM or CSIRO and don’t say bad things about the Government!)

At the time, even the US based CATO Institute warned the Australian rules would hit free speech around the world, including Americans. So obviously Mr Albanese could find himself on the visa ban list if he did. (Lucky for him, he failed, eh?)

The Transnational Streisand Effect

Imagine if the Australian government rewrites the Misinformation laws so that US companies only have to censor Australians. The Labor Party might accidentally set up a transnational feedback loop of defiance, where censorship at home creates more speech abroad.  It would surely spring forth a radioactive Streisand Effect as those same censored Australians sent messages to friends and ex-pats in the US who could thus wreck havoc and mischief and speak up for them. It could spawn a whole new industry in the US of proxy content providers, paid to say things about Australia that Australians were not allowed to say. It could be all-American sport pointing out the stupid things that were banned in Australia. Wouldn’t that be fun?

Mt Rushmore image Image by Pete Linforth from Pixabay.

Airplanes image by dakotaviking from Pixabay

 

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May 28, 2025 at 04:26PM

Exposing Alaska’s Green New Deal (Part I)

From MasterResource

By Kassie Andrews

Ed. Note: Alaska policymakers are selling out the state’s hydrocarbon abundance for a Green New Deal foisted by special interests that do not have consumers, taxpayers, or prosperity in mind. Trump Administration Officials visiting Alaska in two weeks are warned by energy expert Kassie Andrews in two parts (Part II tomorrow).

“… this isn’t about affordability or ‘sustainability’- it’s about control, green grift, and forcing Alaska into a ‘transition’ nobody voted for.”

The political class in Alaska is trying to sell the public on “cheap” renewables as the centerpiece of the state’s energy policy. We’ve all heard the line: Solar and wind are the cheapest sources of electricity on Earth. It’s the Green New Deal gospel repeated ad nauseam, designed to steamroll dissent and shut down debate. But like most things parroted by lobbyists, bureaucrats, and captured politicians, it falls apart under basic scrutiny.

The Anchorage Daily News op-ed, “Energy Opportunities for Alaska,” is the latest propaganda. It sounds exactly like something written by people who stand to make money off government subsidies, without addressing the inconvenient truths: that solar and wind are only “cheap” after billions in taxpayer subsidies and magical thinking about reliability.

Are Alaskans buying it? Not really, as public testimony on the state’s proposed Renewable Portfolio Standard made clear. People are waking up to the fact that this isn’t about affordability or “sustainability”- it’s about control, green grift, and forcing Alaska into a “transition” nobody voted for.

And now, we’re watching something even more dangerous unfold: elected officials using their official titles to boost political allies running for co-op boards – candidates who back this green charade. That’s not public service—it’s political warfare; it’s being waged against, and paid for by, the very people they claim to represent.

Representative Ky Holland and I have gone back and forth on this issue, but based on the moves I’m seeing, it’s obvious they’ve made their decision. They’re doubling down—regardless of the public’s will, regardless of economic sanity, and most certainly regardless of the damage this agenda will do to our energy security.

Testimony re HB 153

Here is my testimony to the House Energy Committee of the Alaskan Legislature challenging the political grab of the Green New Dealers, aka HB 153. Part II tomorrow will share my subsequent communications with the dark side of Alaska energy policy. I report; you decide.

Members of the House Energy Committee,

I am writing today to strongly urge you to oppose HB 153. This bill would force our cooperatives into unreliable and unstable energy sources like wind and solar. The State of Alaska should not be taking on the liability of mandating these sources, especially given the increasing concerns over grid stability and ratepayer costs.

Over the last few years, we have witnessed a steady erosion of accountability from our co-op boards. HB 153 would seal that erosion into law. It hands the boards yet another excuse to deflect responsibility when rates inevitably rise or when we experience blackouts and brownouts. The response will be simple: “It’s the state’s mandate.”

This is yet another example of government interference undermining the authority and responsibility of our publicly owned cooperatives. Ratepayers are not asking for higher electric bills. Ratepayers are not asking for more reliability problems. Yet that is exactly what this bill invites. If this continues, our co-ops will soon be reduced to nothing more than glorified billing departments.

We don’t have to imagine where this leads — just look to Texas. They implemented a renewable portfolio standard and now operate under ERCOT, their reliability council. During Winter Storm Uri, over 70 people died, and economic damages soared into the hundreds of billions. ERCOT, once claiming immunity, is now facing class action lawsuits. Some cases have been dismissed, but many are on-going.

The legal and financial fallout is far from over. We should be learning from these disasters of centralized planning and mandates — not racing to repeat them here in Alaska.

Furthermore, just days ago, President Trump issued executive orders aimed at restoring energy freedom and specifically pushing back on state mandates like the one proposed in HB 153. In the order titled “Protecting American Energy from State Overreach,” it states:

“State-imposed mandates and restrictions that limit the type, quantity, or method of energy production or delivery within a State or region pose a threat to national energy security, public welfare, and the resilience of the electrical grid.”

This is exactly what HB 153 represents. It limits energy choices, it undermines grid reliability, and it puts both ratepayers and taxpayers on the hook for an unreliable, high-risk experiment. The federal government has recognized the danger in these state-level mandates — and so should we.

The responsibility for affordable, reliable power belongs with our co-op boards. If these technologies were truly viable, the boards already have the authority to adopt them voluntarily. But they haven’t, because they know the liability and risk.

Instead, they are looking for the state to hand them a mandate, giving them someone else to blame when — not if, but when — the consequences arrive.

For all of these reasons, I respectfully urge you: do not advance HB 153.

Thank you for your consideration. Kassie Andrews


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May 28, 2025 at 04:04PM

Why “cheaper” wind and solar raise costs. Part III: The problem with power markets

by Planning Engineer (Russ Schussler)

Part 3 of this series examines power markets, promoted by policymakers (FERC) and industry advocates to lower costs through competitive bidding and merit-order dispatch. While markets can optimize resource allocation in many sectors, they struggle to deliver affordability and reliability in electricity systems dominated by intermittent renewables. This post first explains how power markets operate, then highlights their challenges, and finally explores why they amplify the cost challenges associated with wind and solar.

In Part 1 of this series, we explored how the fat tail problem undermines the cost-saving potential of wind and solar.  It’s easy to supply electricity most of the time.  The fat tail occurs in the rarer periods of maximal demands, when wind and solar are not available.  These periods, not savings during easy times, drive system economics.  Part 2 discussed how rate structures distort perceptions of affordability for solar applications. 

How Power Markets Work (and Fail)

Power markets use a merit-order dispatch system, where generators bid their costs, and the market sets prices based on the most expensive unit needed. During “easy” times—when demand is low or renewable output is high—wind and solar often dominate. Their near-zero marginal costs (no fuel expenses) allow them to bid low, displacing higher-cost fossil fuel plants and driving down market prices. This creates the appearance of cheap electricity and fuels the narrative that renewables are inherently cost-effective.

However, during peak or extreme conditions, wind and solar often underperform due to weather or diurnal constraints. For example, wind speeds may drop during heatwaves, or solar output may be negligible at night or during cloudy winters. When demand spikes or renewables falter, markets rely on dispatchable resources—combined cycle plants, combustion turbines, or even older coal units—to meet the shortfall. These resources have higher marginal costs and are often called upon during the most expensive hours, driving market prices skyward. During Winter Storm Uri in February 2021, ERCOT prices surged to $9,000/MWh as renewables underperformed and demand soared. As discussed in the first posting, doing well most of the time is not enough. The challenge in providing costly backup during peak shortages exposes the limitations of power markets, as explored below.

The Promise and Limits of Power Markets

I am a big fan, in general, of markets over central planning and the wonders of the Invisible Hand.  Markets are powerful tools for aligning supply and demand, often outperforming centralized planning by incentivizing competition and innovation.  However, it should be understood that markets do not work well for every good and service at every time and place.

Listed below are conditions which increase the likelihood of markets being superior to centralized planning:

  • Availability of Substitute goods
    • Electricity lacks viable, cost-effective alternatives, unlike commodities with multiple options, limiting market flexibility
  • Low barriers to market entry
    • Building power plants requires substantial capital and expertise, limiting new entrants.
  • Short lead times for production/investment
    • Long lead times for plant construction
  • High price elasticity
    • Small demand fluctuations based on price signals, overall inelastic
  • Clear and accessible information
    • Possible for real time costs, not for backup, emergency power, future needs…
  • High potential for innovation
    • Energy markets rarely drive innovation; global R&D, not regional competition, fuels renewable advancements, while subsidies distort market signals for wind and solar
    • In terms of market advantage, innovation is used in regard to product features, characteristics, functionality or appeal, not the production of the good
  • Low externalities
    • Environmental impacts of generation are relatively large
  • Low concerns of social equity
    • Electricity has a major impact on quality of life. System must support all.
  • Low risk from market failures
    • Huge risk from market failures
  • Forecasting demand is challenging
    • Forecasting annual peaks and energy consumption is relatively easy for electric supply as compared to other goods and services

Electricity differs from most commodities, with highly inelastic demand and a need for instantaneous balance between supply and demand to maintain grid stability. Unlike markets for goods like wheat or electronics, where substitutes abound, electricity has few viable alternatives. Storage technologies, such as batteries, remain costly and limited, unable to support seasonal needs, leaving utilities reliant on traditional generation (e.g., natural gas, coal, nuclear) to fill gaps left by intermittent wind and solar. This complexity makes electricity a poor fit for market-driven systems.

The poor fit becomes apparent as electricity’s complexity has required the creation of additional multiple market structures. Even so, these markets often fail to ensure reliability during high-demand or extreme conditions.  Below are additional key markets and their roles:

  • Capacity Market: Ensures sufficient generation capacity is available to meet future peak demand, particularly during extreme events. Generators are paid to maintain plants on standby, but payments often fall short of incentivizing enough dispatchable resources to handle extreme conditions reliably.
  • Ancillary Services Market (services ensuring grid stability): Provides critical grid stability functions, such as voltage support and frequency regulation, which renewables like wind and solar rarely contribute. These essential services increase costs as utilities procure them from traditional generators.
  • Day-Ahead Market: Allows generators to bid for supplying power the next day based on forecasted demand. While efficient for planning, it struggles to adapt to unexpected renewable shortfalls, leaving grids vulnerable to price spikes.
  • Intraday Market: Enables real-time adjustments to power supply within the same day. It helps address short-term renewable variability but cannot ensure reliability during prolonged extreme events, such as multi-day storms or heatwaves.
  • Financial Transmission Rights (FTR) Market (Financial tools to manage grid congestion costs): Allows participants to hedge against price differences caused by grid congestion. While useful for financial planning, FTRs do not directly enhance reliability or address the physical shortages during critical events.
  • Demand Response Market: Pays consumers to reduce usage during peak times, aiming to ease grid stress. However, its impact is limited during extreme events when demand remains inelastic, and widespread participation is challenging.
  • Renewable Energy Certificate (REC) Market: Enables trading of credits for renewable generation to meet regulatory mandates. While promoting green energy, RECs inflate the perceived cost-effectiveness of renewables by masking their reliance on backup systems.
  • Reserve Market: Ensures backup power is available for unexpected outages or demand spikes. These reserves are critical, but increase costs, as dispatchable plants must be kept online despite infrequent use.
  • Bilateral Contracts and Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs): Long-term contracts between utilities and generators to secure stable supply. While offering some reliability, they often prioritize renewables, leaving gaps when intermittent sources falter.
  • Emissions Markets: Trade carbon credits to incentivize low-emission generation. These markets raise costs for fossil fuel plants, indirectly increasing reliance on renewables and exacerbating the need for costly backup.

Overall, these complex market structures unfortunately tend to prioritize short-term efficiency over long-term reliability. As Part 1 showed, electricity is easy to provide most of the time but challenging during rare, high-cost periods. By focusing on real-time pricing, power markets fail to secure sufficient dispatchable resources, amplifying renewable costs and leaving markets ill-equipped to handle peak shortages or extreme weather, as explored below.

Why Power Markets Fail During Extreme Conditions

Power markets prioritize short-term economic efficiency, selecting the cheapest resources—like wind and solar—during periods of low demand or high renewable output. However, this focus fails to incentivize long-term investments in reliability, such as maintaining dispatchable plants (e.g., natural gas or nuclear) or building sufficient backup capacity. As a result, during fat tail events—when demand spikes or renewables falter—markets struggle to ensure supply, leading to price spikes and higher costs for consumers.

For example, in regions like Texas (ERCOT) or California, power markets have seen price spikes during extreme weather (e.g., Winter Storm Uri in 2021 or California’s 2020 heatwaves). These events exposed the fragility of systems reliant on intermittent renewables without adequate dispatchable capacity. During Winter Storm Uri, Texas consumers faced $10 billion in additional costs over a few days due to market price spikes. The resulting costs were passed to consumers. In contrast, regulated utilities can prioritize long-term reliability by maintaining diverse generation portfolios. Markets deem these costs inefficiencies, but regulated utilities view them as prudent reliability investments.

At the other extreme, power markets undervalue the “reliability services” provided by dispatchable plants, such as voltage support, frequency regulation, and ramping capability. Wind and solar, while cheap to operate, contribute little to these services, forcing utilities to procure them elsewhere at additional cost. This hidden subsidy for renewables further distorts market signals, making intermittent resources appear cheaper than they are.

A Financial Analogy: The 90% Win Fallacy

The shortcomings of power markets echo the financial scam discussed in Part 1, where traders were promised wins on 90% of their trades. Just as frequent small gains were wiped out by rare but massive losses, the low costs of renewables during easy times are offset by the ongoing high costs of backup systems needed for their intermittency, further amplified during fat tail periods. No pension fund or institutional investor would adopt a strategy that ignores the risk of catastrophic losses, yet energy policymakers often embrace renewables based on their average costs, ignoring the reliability implications.

This raises a troubling question: Do advocates of ‘cheap’ renewables overlook the fat tail problem, or are they prioritizing short-term gains over long-term system costs?  Some may be well-intentioned but innumerate, focusing on short-term savings without grasping system-wide costs. Others may prioritize political or ideological goals over economic reality. Regardless, academics, policymakers, and regulators should be held to a higher standard. They have access to the same system models and real-world data that utilities use, which consistently show that heavy reliance on renewables increases electricity costs. Even though wind and solar are very competitive in the market, most of the time, that’s not reason enough to expect that they will lower overall costs. Having a market which grants wind and solar a high percentage of wins, makes it hard for more dependable resources to survive and be available for peak needs.

Common Perspectives on Energy Markets

What is the common take on market problems?  To understand the common perspective on power markets, I consulted an AI synthesis of prevailing views, which highlights both strengths and oversights. I received this response:

Power markets excel in driving competition and innovation but face volatility and reliability risks, requiring refined market designs and faster renewable integration. Traditional systems ensure stability and emergency preparedness but struggle with inefficiency and slow modernization. Balancing these trade-offs requires tailored policies for each system’s unique structure.

Let’s break that down:

  • Power Markets excel in driving competition and innovation…
    • Global R&D, not regional markets, drives renewable advancements, while subsidies for wind and solar distort market signals
  • but face volatility and reliability risks, requiring refined market designs and faster renewable integration.
    • Reliability is a prime virtue for a power system as is the ability to cope with volatility
    • Is required market design the answer? How about a return to planning for reliability and volatility?
    • Will faster integration of renewables help or hinder? (See past postings – they don’t help.)
    • Refined market designs may mitigate volatility, but they cannot eliminate the need for reliable dispatchable generation
  • Traditional systems ensure stability and emergency preparedness but struggle with inefficiency and slow modernization.
    • Stability and emergency preparedness are the major goals
    • Stability and emergency preparedness are the major source of costs
      • Once system is in place for stability and emergencies additions costs are less significant
      • Incremental savings from market are not so large once peak and emergency
      • needs are considered.
    • Inefficiency or prudent steps to avoid extreme volatility and system crashes
    • Modernization is a red herring reflecting one perspective as to what the future power supply should be.
  • Balancing these trade-offs requires tailored policies for each system’s unique structure.
    • That’s one perspective to deal with the issues, but there are other non-market approaches.

The markets invert priorities. The  least challenging service is providing power during easy times.  Markets prioritize easy periods, addressing reliable energy supply challenges only as an afterthought. When wind and solar dominate in the easy times due to lower costs it becomes difficult to impossible to maintain dependable dispatchable generation for more challenging times.  It’s generally best to plan for the major needs first and then optimize issues of less importance. These perspectives overstate market benefits while ignoring the fat tail, underscoring the need for reliability-focused planning.

The Evidence Is Clear

Energy markets work well to increase wind and solar penetration.  However, look globally, and the pattern is unmistakable: regions with high renewable penetration often face higher electricity prices. Germany, with its aggressive Energiewende, has some of the highest retail electricity rates in Europe, despite abundant wind and solar. Germany’s residential electricity prices reached €0.40/kWh in 2024, among the highest in Europe, despite heavy renewable investment. California’s rates have risen steadily as its renewable portfolio grows. In contrast, regions, like France, with balanced mixes, including nuclear and natural gas, often maintain lower and more stable prices. Power markets’ short-term focus exacerbates cost increases by neglecting reliability during high-cost events.

Market approaches have benefit.  In the electric power sector, originally rigid, monopoly-driven system entities relied largely on their own resources and only made sales and purchases with neighbors in limited situations. Now virtually all interconnected systems  reach a semi-optimal dispatch through sharing  real-time marginal cost data and make sales and purchases to share the savings this process generates. It’s semi-optimal dispatch because systems will keep units needed for later dispatch on-line and generating at minimums.  Lower cost resources will not kick off these resources or stop them from receiving financial benefit for what they generate.  This post explains how power marketers enabled utilities to lower costs through shared savings, optimizing resource dispatch across interconnected systems. This approach provides many advantages of markets without many of the drawbacks of a fully structured market system. 

It’s wrong to assume that the less constrained a market is, the better things will always be.  For many crucial reasons, electricity markets are poorly suited to ensure reliable and affordable power.  When markets fail, costs rise considerably. These limitations of energy markets are compounded by the complexity of providing reliable electricity.  Centralized planning has advantages as well, especially for power systems. A balance needs to be struck between market approaches and planning for reliability.  Perhaps we find the better balance looking backwards.

Looking Ahead

Power markets are powerful tools, but they are not a panacea for electricity systems. Their focus on economic efficiency during easy times leaves them vulnerable to the high costs of atypical events, where wind and solar underperform. Building on the fat tail problem (Part 1) and hidden solar costs (Part 2), the next post in this series will explore the costs of backup power and reserves, which further erode the savings of renewables. A final post will tie together these threads, offering a comprehensive view of why “cheaper” wind and solar lead to more expensive electricity.

For now, the takeaway is this: power markets amplify the cost challenges of renewables by prioritizing short-term gains over long-term reliability.  A sustainable energy system must prioritize reliability and affordability through regulated planning, market reforms, or other tailored approaches addressing power market limitations. Policymakers must prioritize reliability over short-term market gains for a resilient, affordable energy future.

Bonus – Memory of a Market Sham

Politicians and bureaucrats often claim market victories when the evidence is quite small. I remember back 25 years or so, claims of how allowing choice for large industrial customers resulted in lower costs.  The facts were that policy changes allowed large customers to shop for power prices versus taking rates from monopoly power providers.  It was widely claimed that benefits accrued because of the market.

Context is key: new generation can be cheaper or costlier than existing resources.  Historically when new generation was cheaper, power providers would push growth because bringing lower cost plants on line to serve newer loads lowered the cost for everyone.  When existing resources are more expensive, reducing demand makes sense because serving new customers will raise costs for all  as more costly resources are averaged into the mix.  Environmental concerns temper these relations somewhat.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, combined cycle plants driven by natural gas enabled new additions to reduce average energy costs. As a utilities system load grew, this would work to lower costs. When industries came to the utilities with big loads, all consumers would benefit as new combined cycles were added to the mix to serve the extra load. 

The policy changes that allowed industry to shop for power enabled them to capture the benefits from the low-cost additions instead of sharing with all customers.  This appeal to “market choice” had little impact on overall efficiency, merely redistributing cost benefits.

Undoubtedly, this supported new industrial growth, but it increased costs for existing industrial, commercial, and residential customers. If new generation additions were costlier, industries would likely have stayed with utility rates, leveraging the cheaper existing base while existing customers bore most of the new costs. Subsidizing new industry may be a social good, but it’s critical to recognize that market choice didn’t reduce overall costs—it only changed who benefited, reshaping how the pie was divided. This example underscores how power markets can create the illusion of cost savings while failing to address system-wide costs, much like markets today obscure the overall cost impacts of wind and solar. 

 

 

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May 28, 2025 at 01:58PM