CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE NOBLE LIE

 Many people would accept that there are times when it is ok to tell a lie, but some issues are so important that a lie is completely unacceptable. In climate change the costs are so high that we must insist on the whole truth. One new way of distorting the truth (AKA lying) is the attempt to claim that extreme weather events have been made a certain percentage worse by climate change. This is called a noble lie because it is in their mind a lie in a noble cause. These are known as climate attribution studies. This is when a particular extreme weather event is studied and then said to have been made much worse by human climate change. This article explains it clearly:

Climate change and the noble lie 

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April 9, 2025 at 01:48AM

Climate/Energy Exchange with Jody Freeman (Harvard University)

“If you are so sure that your views are correct, why not have a robust climate debate at Harvard. You know and I know that such an event would not come off well for the alarmists/forced energy transformationists.”

Jody Freeman, Professor of Law at Harvard Law School, posted on LinkedIn [she blocked me–maybe you can open her links]:

Sobering assessment of our climate risk trajectory and how rising temperatures could overtake insurance markets, and lead to a credit crunch, among a cascade of other financial consequences. Watch the insurance industry. It is serious about climate change. And the canary in the coal mine.

Her link was to Joe Romm’s report of a Guardian article, “Climate crisis on track to destroy capitalism, warns top insurer,” subtitled “Action urgently needed to save the conditions under which markets – and civilisation itself – can operate, says senior Allianz figure.”

PLEASE REPOST: Top insurer warns we’re on track for 3°C (5.4F) warming where insurance and finance ‘cease to function’ and we can’t ‘adapt.’ But the solutions are here.

A Guardian story has elevated a must-read LinkedIn post by a top insurer who is warning that “we are fast approaching temperature levels—1.5°C, 2°C, 3°C—where insurers will no longer be able to offer coverage for” risks like floods, fires, extreme heat and other extreme events.

I commented, and the exchange began.

Bradley: This is very exaggerated–as it was back in the 1980s, if not before, with climate change.

Freeman: Sorry, what’s your evidence?

Bradley: On exaggeration? How about your colleague John Holdren back in the 1980s predicting as many as one billion deaths might occur from climate change by 2000.

Freeman: Maybe you will find something to agree with in this thoughtful interview with my colleague Dan Schrag who is not afraid to be a little contrarian but who takes the risks associated with climate change seriously and believes that it is worth investing now to avoid some of the worst consequences. That always sounds to me like an eminently reasonable thing to do: invest in steps now to avoid larger costs later. No one is saying they know precisely how and at what rate the anticipated impacts will land, and there is always a band of uncertainty in every credible professional report or study. All they are saying is that the pace of warming creates serious risks that prudent countries should be concerned about. Give it a read!

Bradley: The ‘insurance’ policy is less than persuasive because the premium is so high and there is no known redemption value. The world demands fossil fuels whether the US likes it or not, and the world is not cooperating with the Paris Accord.

The insurance argument becomes less persuasive over time because 1) we are adapting to the changes already (internalizing the ‘costs’, as you see it) and 2) the saturation effect of CO2 forcing (diminishing returns, log-over-linear).

The best climate policy is wealth and adaptation without government propping up bad (dilute, intermittent, fragile, government-dependent) energies and adding to budget deficits. Government failure, if you will.

Freeman: Well, I don’t agree with you not surprisingly, and recommend for those who are interested, this approach by Marty Weitzman.

[Bradley: My rebuttal is now blocked. My comment was that Weitzman’s piece is out of date and the IPCC has moderated its ‘fat tail’ worse case scenarios. And the IPCC’s RCP 8.5 model scenario was not in good standing.]

Freeman: We host debates and conversations all the time! You should come and attend some of our classes and offerings! Weitzman’s theory is entirely sound as a generalized approach which simply boils down to being prudent in the face of very serious risks. I am not recommending abandoning cost benefit analysis but simply properly accounting for risk and consequence. Shifting to a cleaner global energy supply has many benefits separate from mitigating climate change. But Rob, I assume based on your consistently negative (and sometimes I must say bordering on hostile and dismissive) comments on my posts, that we won’t agree. And that is just fine! Cheers!

Bradley: Thank you for engaging. “… attending some of our classes and offerings” is not exactly respectful, is it? I will put my academic fare up against any of your professors in the social sciences, ranging from political economy to business history.

Instead, there needs to be a campus-side debate where a prominent critic sits in a chair next to you or Professor Weitzman with a moderator to debate the hard questions, from physical science to realistic economics/political economy to public policy. I think the students would benefit greatly.

Bradley: ” …a generalized approach which simply boils down to being prudent in the face of very serious risks.” You are assuming what is in debate, hiding behind high-sensitivity climate model projections that are simply speculative. CO2 science is far more established that climatology.

“… a cleaner global energy supply” is vague and debatable. Fossil fuels are now environmental products in state-of-the-art facilities, and the dilute, intermittent, fragile, government-dependent energies are ecologically unsound. Don’t assume. Open your mind to new ideas. The mitigation crusade is dying, and the saturation effect makes the effort ever more futile.

Freeman: Ah!! Now I see. You are a fan of Alex Epstein. This explains a lot. So, as it turns out, I took apart his book step by step in an article I published years ago when his book was making the rounds of the oil and gas industry. I took him seriously and then explained in detail, and with facts and evidence, how misleading and flawed his arguments are.

Bradley: Your critique was superficial and one-sided, and you disengaged with Epstein after he rebutted your review. So why not have a debate with him at Harvard? He wants to do it–you do not. His ideas are driving Chris Wright of US DOE–why ignore him now?

Freeman: In response to comments claiming that I and others are overreacting about the risks posed by rising global temperatures, and embracing the arguments of people like Lomborg and Epstein, the best thing I can do is to suggest the following readings, which explain in detail why these folks are not credible.

(It saddens me to have to do this at this stage of our understanding, but it also seems like someone has to do it.)

These articles are illustrative of other similar critiques. So if you want to attack these authors as lunatic leftists or dismiss the outlets where they publish as biased or call us all brainwashed elitists, fine, but just to say, there is more where this came from.

The pieces below try to show in detail, and with examples, why Lomborg and Epstein’s arguments are deeply flawed, even if they start with or contain elements of fact or truth. Lomborg and Epstein’s claims are shown to be deeply misleading; to mischaracterize and cherry pick evidence; to set up straw men; and to commit many other sins of omission, miscalculation, overstatement, and logical error that are characteristic of unserious scholarship.

But don’t take my word for it (although the last article is mine, so you can take my word for it on Epstein).

Read this set of pieces as a start, and then read the original works themselves if you have the time and interest, and draw your own conclusions.

I won’t return to this topic again soon because there is so much other very serious and urgent stuff to address (e.g., democracy), and honestly, it exhausts me that this is still necessary. But I felt it was worth a long post to provide some resources.

🐧About Lomborg’s article, “Follow The Science” Leads To Ruin: https://lnkd.in/g8Vp28mU

🐧About his book, False Alarm: https://lnkd.in/gtdufUWU

🐧About his article on the Paris agreement: https://lnkd.in/gZ_QAnus

🐧About his earlier book, The Skeptical Environmentalist: https://lnkd.in/gxzfzCwe

🐧And finally, my response to Alex Epstein’s book, The Moral Case for Fossil Fuels: https://lnkd.in/gAUUpp8S

Bradley: Why don’t you offer up the rebuttals to each of your above links just to show that you are keeping up with both sides? Are you?

The “It saddens me to have to do this at this stage of our understanding, but it also seems like someone has to do it” is petty and condescending.

If you are so sure that your views are correct, why not have a robust climate debate at Harvard. You know and I know that such an event would not come off well for the alarmists/forced energy transformationists.

Do note that the political bubble of wind, solar, and batteries is losing air. Check out solar and wind stocks versus the competition. No hiding that fact as the recent CERA conference with Dan Yergin showed.

At this point she blocked me. More hit-and-run behavior by a Harvard climate alarmist who wants to assume, not debate. And mock their opponents as intellectually inferior and having ulterior motives. Jody Freeman is “in denial”, as they say. Too bad her students cannot learn from the best on politicized issues.

The post Climate/Energy Exchange with Jody Freeman (Harvard University) appeared first on Master Resource.

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April 9, 2025 at 01:09AM

Trump Signs Executive Order to Shield American Energy from State Overreach

In a bold move to safeguard American energy independence, President Donald J. Trump signed an Executive Order titled “Protecting American Energy from State Overreach.” Announced on April 8, 2025, this action reaffirms the administration’s commitment to unleashing the nation’s vast energy resources while pushing back against what the White House calls “ideologically driven state interference.” For those of us who’ve long watched the battle in both Trump terms between federal energy priorities and state-level climate agendas, this EO signals a seismic shift—and a welcome one.

According to the White House fact sheet, the order targets state laws and policies that “impede the development of American energy resources.” It directs the Attorney General to identify and challenge state actions that overstep their authority, particularly those that threaten the production and distribution of reliable, affordable energy. The administration points to a laundry list of culprits: state lawsuits against energy companies for alleged “climate change harm,” nuisance tort regimes that could saddle producers with crippling damages, and regulations that choke off access to oil, gas, and coal.

The timing couldn’t be more critical. With energy prices still a sore spot for American families—thanks in part to years of regulatory strangulation under previous administrations—Trump’s EO aims to cut through the red tape and restore what he’s long called “energy dominance.” The fact sheet doesn’t mince words: states have been weaponizing their legal systems to punish energy producers, often under the guise of climate action, while ignoring the real-world consequences of higher costs and reduced reliability. Sound familiar? It’s the same playbook we’ve seen from blue-state governors and activist attorneys general for over a decade.

What’s in the EO? Beyond tasking the DOJ with a legal counteroffensive, it prioritizes federal authority over energy policy, ensuring that states can’t unilaterally derail projects vital to national security and economic growth. Think pipelines, drilling permits, and power plants—the backbone of a grid that’s been teetering under the weight of renewables-first fantasies. and the explosion of data centers. The order also signals a broader intent to protect American workers and consumers from what the administration deems “radical environmental agendas” that sacrifice jobs and affordability on the altar of green ideology.

This isn’t just a policy win—it’s a rebuke to the climate alarmism that’s fueled state-level overreach. How many times have we documented the shaky science behind lawsuits claiming fossil fuels are the root of all evil? Or the hypocrisy of states demanding clean energy while leaning on out-of-state coal plants to keep the lights on? Trump’s EO doesn’t just defend energy companies; it defends reason over dogma.

Of course, the usual suspects will cry foul. Expect the environmental lobby to spin this as an attack on states’ rights or a giveaway to “Big Oil.” But let’s be real: when states sue energy producers into oblivion or block infrastructure with endless litigation, they’re not protecting their citizens—they’re flexing political muscle at the expense of the rest of the country. The White House argues this EO restores balance, ensuring that energy policy serves the nation, not a patchwork of activist governors.

The stakes are high. America’s energy sector isn’t just about keeping the heat on in winter; it’s about jobs, competitiveness, and standing up to foreign producers who’d love to see us falter. Trump’s first term showed what deregulation could do—record-low energy prices and a boom in domestic production. This EO builds on that legacy, promising to roll back the state-level roadblocks that crept back in during the Biden years.

Will it work? The devil’s in the details, and the legal battles ahead will be fierce. State AGs won’t go down without a fight, and the courts will have their say. But for now, this Executive Order sends a clear message: the Trump administration is back, and it’s not here to play defense. For those of us who’ve championed affordable energy and questioned the climate crusade, April 8, 2025, might just be a day to mark on the calendar.


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April 9, 2025 at 12:03AM

The Department of the Interior Moves to Restore Coal Industry

[Editor’s note: President Trump signed an executive order today lifting many restrictions on coal plants]

Department of Interior Press Release

Actions will restore coal industry’s role in powering the economy, protecting jobs and strengthening national energy security 

04/08/2025

Last edited 04/08/2025

Date: April 8, 2025

WASHINGTON — The Department of the Interior is reaffirming its commitment to the Trump administration’s goal of American Energy Dominance with a renewed focus on coal. Through an Executive Order by President Donald J. Trump, the Department will implement a series of bold policy moves and regulatory reforms to position coal as a cornerstone of the nation’s energy strategy by ensuring federally managed lands remain open and accessible for responsible energy development. 

“The Golden Age is here, and we are starting to ‘Mine, Baby, Mine’ for clean American coal,” said Department of the Interior Secretary Doug Burgum. “Interior is unlocking America’s full potential in energy dominance and economic development to make life more affordable for every American family while showing the world the power of America’s natural resources and innovation.” 

In support of the Trump administration’s pursuit of Energy Dominance, the Department is actively working to revitalize the coal mining industry through a series of decisive actions. By expanding access to coal reserves, such as the recent approval of the Spring Creek mine expansion in Montana, and streamlining permitting processes, the administration is removing long-standing regulatory barriers that have undermined American coal production. These efforts support high-paying mining jobs and rural economies, while strengthening U.S. energy independence by reducing reliance on foreign energy sources. Coal is a critical component of a secure, stable and diversified American energy portfolio. 

Ending the coal leasing moratorium 

The Department will officially end its moratorium on federal coal leasing, a move that aligns with President Trump’s priority of “Unleashing American Energy” by reducing regulatory barriers and promoting energy independence. 

Over the past nine years, the status of actions related to a federal coal leasing moratorium has been left unclear. In 2016, President Obama’s Secretary of the Interior Sally Jewell ordered the BLM to pause coal leasing on public lands, with a few exceptions, while the BLM completed an environmental review. In 2017, President Trump’s Interior Secretary, Ryan Zinke, revoked the order. In 2021, President Biden’s Secretary Deb Haaland rescinded Zinke’s order but did not reinstate the coal leasing moratorium or environmental review. In 2024, a federal appeals court ruled that the 2021 Haaland order reversed the Zinke order, while also ending the moratorium. The court said all actions after the Haaland order were moot and ordered all other court cases dismissed.  

To provide clarity and certainty to the nation, the Bureau of Land Management is publishing a notice in the Federal Register that it will not perform an environmental impact statement, or any other environmental analysis of the federal coal leasing program connected to an order from former Secretary Sally Jewell, effectively and finally ending the last remaining open item related to the leasing moratorium. 

Reopening federal lands in Montana and Wyoming to coal leasing 

In further support of coal leasing, the BLM will pursue the amendment process to the Buffalo and Miles City resource managements plans in Wyoming and Montana. Under the current plans, future coal leasing is heavily restricted, making it much harder for new federal coal projects to get off the ground. Over time, these plans could significantly reduce the availability of federal coal reserves in two of the country’s biggest coal-producing regions. By revising these plans, Interior would create a path forward to access untapped federal coal reserves, especially in high-production areas like the Powder River Basin in Wyoming. 

Removing regulatory burdens for coal mines 

In accordance with Secretary’s Order 3418, Unleashing American Energy, the Office of Surface Mining and Enforcement will undertake a rulemaking process to revise the Ten-Day Notice Rule of 2024 to largely revert to the 2020 version of the rule, while retaining certain portions of the 2024 rule. This rule making process will help reduce burdensome federal oversight and give more power to the states on how to handle complaints about coal mining violations. By removing some of federal overreach of the 2024 rule, the Department will trust states to do their jobs while avoiding unnecessary federal interference and providing stability to the coal industry.  

Providing royalty rate relief 

The Department is poised to streamline and speed up the process for reviewing coal producers’ requests to temporarily lower the amount they pay the federal government for extracting coal from public lands. Lower royalty rates can help keeps mines open and maintain local tax revenue.  

By expediting royalty relief requests, Interior aims to make it easier for coal operators to stay in business, which supports stable domestic energy production and maximizes long-term resource recovery from federal lands.  

As the Department works through the actions above to support the coal industry by continuing to roll back unnecessary regulatory burdens, Interior will advance responsible coal development, high-paying job creation and long-term energy security by opening access to America’s vast energy resources. 

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April 8, 2025 at 08:02PM