Oil and Gas Turning Poor Countries into Economic Miracles

By Vijay Jayaraj

Nations once relegated to the margins of economic discourse are now sprinting toward prosperity, their trajectories propelled by a single, unifying force: energy.

Energy is indispensable. From the huge AI data centers in the U.S. to the mega-scale manufacturing factories in China, affordable and dependable energy supplies make all the difference between living and thriving.

Access to domestic energy resources – or the ability to secure imports – unlocks a cascade of opportunity: Jobs multiply, infrastructure rises, and governments gain the fiscal muscle to invest in their people.

Oil and gas, derided by climate elites as relics of a bygone era, are proving instead to be the engines of a new dawn. A cohort of nations is charting a radically different course fueled by the unyielding pragmatism of hydrocarbon exploitation.

Guyana: From Obscurity to Oil Juggernaut

Nestled along South America’s northern coast, Guyana was once an afterthought in global economic discourse. Today, it is the world’s fastest-growing economy, with gross domestic product (GDP) skyrocketing by a staggering 63% in 2022 and 38% in 2023. It is projected to grow another 27% this year.

Guyana’s growth leaves even the vaunted “Asian Tigers” – Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan – in the dust. By 2025, analysts project a still-robust expansion of more than 14%, driven by the relentless output of the Stabroek Block, 6.6 million acres of oil reserves off the country’s Atlantic shoreline. The 2015 Liza discovery, a 10-billion-barrel bonanza, has transformed this nation of 810,000 into an energy powerhouse.

The fiscal windfall – $2.57 billion in 2024 alone – has funded infrastructure upgrades, healthcare expansions and education reforms. As Upstream Online reports, Guyana’s per capita income has quadrupled since 2019, a feat unimaginable without oil.

Niger: Africa’s Pipeline to Prosperity

Half a world away, in the arid expanses of West Africa, Niger is scripting a similar tale. Long known for uranium and subsistence farming, this landlocked nation is poised to ride an oil boom that could redefine its future.

The key? The Niger-Benin pipeline, a 1,212-mile conduit that promises to ferry crude from Niger’s Agadem Rift Basin to the Atlantic coast. After diplomatic hiccups with Benin were resolved in August 2024, production was expected to surge past 110,000 barrels per day (bpd) in the coming years. GDP is forecast to soar as a result.

Senegal: Gas Lights the Way Forward

Further west, Senegal is joining the energy-driven renaissance. The Sangomar oil field, which began production in June 2024, and the Greater Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA) natural gas project, straddling the Senegal-Mauritania border, are rewriting the nation’s economic playbook.

In 2024, the Sangomar field exceeded its initial target, producing 16.9 million barrels of crude oil compared to the planned 11.7 million. With oil output exceeding 100,000 bpd and GTA is poised to deliver liquefied natural gas (LNG) to global markets, Senegal’s GDP growth is projected to hit double digits in 2025, among the highest in Africa.

Senegal’s GDP growth was around 10% in 2024, and energy exports were projected to account for 30% of government revenue in 2025. Crucially, gas-fired power plants are slashing electricity costs, enabling industries to thrive.

Côte D’Ivoire: Diversification Through Hydrocarbons

Côte D’Ivoire, long reliant on cocoa and coffee, is emerging as West Africa’s quiet energy giant. The country has exceeded initial estimates for production from its Baleine oil and gas field.

Oil production has doubled since 2020 to 60,000 bpd, while natural gas – supplying 72% of the nation’s electricity – has lured industries from across the region. The country plans to reach 200,000 barrels of oil per day and 450 million cubic feet of gas daily by 2028.

Thanks to rapid oil and gas development, Cote d’Ivoire has managed to reduce its poverty rate from 55% in 2011 to 37% in 2021 (the latest data available). With oil output projected to more than triple in the next four years, the poverty rate could drop to single digits.

Energy poverty, not climate change, remains the immediate threat to these regions and continues to plague the future of millions of Africans and South Americans. Solar panels and windmills cannot power steel mills, factories or cities.

The governments of Guyana, Niger, Senegal and Côte D’Ivoire understand this. They are prioritizing their citizens’ livelihoods over “carbon-reduction” targets drafted by so-called elites in Brussels or New York.

Their success exposes the vacuity of net-zero dogma and reaffirms a timeless truth: Energy abundance is the foundation of human progress.

This commentary was first published at RealClearEnergy on April 1, 2025.

Vijay Jayaraj is a Science and Research Associate at the CO2 Coalition, Arlington, Virginia. He holds an M.S. in environmental sciences from the University of East Anglia and a postgraduate degree in energy management from Robert Gordon University, both in the U.K., and a bachelor’s in engineering from Anna University, India.


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April 4, 2025 at 12:02AM

Mark Steyn and the Reversal of Fortune

Rael Jean Isaac,

What a difference a year makes.

A year ago Michael Mann was riding high after winning his 12 year old lawsuit against journalist/pundit Mark Steyn and Rand Simberg over comments sharply critical of Mann’s famed “hockey stick” graph. That graph purported to demonstrate a sharp rise in global temperature following industrialization, supposedly caused by man-made greenhouse gas emissions. The offending comments were by Steyn in a National Review blog and by Simberg in a Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI) blog.

Mann brought suit against all four, but in 2021 National Review and CEI won “summary judgment” (a peculiar term after nine years of litigation) on the grounds that Steyn and Simberg were “independent contractors,” not employees, and they bore no responsibility for the content of the posts.)

In February 2024, a District of Columbia jury ordered Steyn to pay one million dollars in punitive damages to Mann. (Although Steyn’s offense was chiefly to have quoted Simberg, the jury only assessed the latter $1,000 ).

If Mann was joyous, Steyn was depressed and enraged. He had spent twelve years in what he described as the “dank, fetid, clogged septic tank of DC justice.” The case had ruined his finances and as he often stated, his life. And at the end, when it finally came to trial, far from being vindicated, he had been slammed with a huge penalty with the potential to destroy the rest of his life, already precarious in the wake of one massive and several lesser heart attacks. An appeal would entail more years and huge additional legal costs.

Buoyed by the verdict, Mann promised to bring National Review and CEI (as institutions, presumably with deeper pockets) back into the case. He said he believed the summary judgment had been “wrongly decided.” Mann announced, “They’re next.”

One year later the tables had turned upside down. To understand what happened, it is necessary to know something of the legal underpinnings of the case.

Mann’s case against Steyn centered on his 270-word blog post on the Corner section of National Review’s web site. In it he quoted Simberg, who had taken a swipe at the administration of Pennsylvania State University for what he saw as its “cover-up and whitewash” of investigations into both Jerry Sandusky, (their eventually convicted football coach) and Professor Mann. Mann, Simberg wrote, “could be said to be the Jerry Sandusky of climate change except that instead of molesting children, he has molested and tortured data in the service of politicized science.” Steyn’s focus was also on Penn State. He distanced himself from the analogy to Sandusky but said Simberg had a point: “Michael Mann was the man behind the fraudulent climate-change ‘hockey-stick’ graph” and “whether or not he’s ‘the Jerry Sandusky of climate change,’ he remains the Michael Mann of climate change, in part because his ‘investigation’ by a deeply corrupt administration was a joke.”

Mann’s defamation suit (after National Review and CEI were gone) sought compensatory and punitive damages from both Steyn and Simberg. To win compensatory damages the plaintiff must prove he suffered real losses, either financially or to his reputation. For punitive damages, D.C. Superior Court Judge Alfred Irving told the jury, the plaintiff must show “by clear and convincing evidence” that the defendants published their words “either knowing that the statement was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not” and also “showed maliciousness, spite, ill will, vengeance, or deliberate intent to harm the plaintiff.” The judge left the size of possible punitive damages to the jury’s “good judgment.”

Mann’s proof that he suffered actual damages was “a mean look” he endured at his local Wegman’s supermarket and a claimed dramatic loss in grant funding. Mann had no evidence the “mean-looker” had read either of the offending blogs or even knew that Mann was anything other than a fellow cart-pusher. As for the loss in grant funding, Simberg’s attorney pointed out that the numbers Mann and his counsel presented had been shown to be multi-millions too high in the discovery phase of the proceedings. Indeed, the defendants were able to show that after the blogs Mann’s career had shot up, as Steyn put it, “like his hockey stick.”
The judge told the jury that if they found “no proven damages resulting or that the damages are only speculative, then you may award nominal damages” such as $1 – which is precisely the amount the jury awarded Mann from each defendant. That left punitive damages and here the jury, as we have seen, came to a very different conclusion.

The jury’s verdict posed obvious questions. Why the million dollars in punitive damages against Steyn when the jury found Mann deserved a mere dollar in compensatory damages? Courts have typically ruled that punitive should be no more than nine times compensatory damages, although the ratio may be substantially greater. But a million to one? That’s unheard of. Although Judge Irving had warned them this was a defamation case, not a trial of climate science, one can only assume that the jury was following the injunction of Mann’s lawyers that it was up to them to “send a message” that “these attacks on climate scientists have to stop.”

During “voir dire” (the questioning of prospective jurors about their biases before being chosen), it was revealed that all of them believed that man-made climate change was a serious problem.

But that still does not explain the vast discrepancy between the thousand dollars assessed Simberg and the million assessed Steyn. Steyn offers an explanation. The Mann legal team portrayed him as part of a wealthy elite and elicited from him on the stand that he had been a long-time substitute host for Rush Limbaugh. Steyn believes this was a red flag to the solidly Democratic jury (the vote in D.C. is 95% Democratic). Mann had venue-shopped the case to the notoriously progressive D.C. courts although neither Mann nor the defendants were D.C. based.

Steyn may be leaving out another factor. To avoid bleeding even more money, Steyn represented himself at the trial. Steyn is brilliant (his IQ must be off the charts) and does not suffer fools gladly. While his bravura performance delighted his many admirers who followed the trial in person or online, the size of the award suggests it alienated the jurors.

Even before the case closed, Steyn’s attorneys (despite defending himself, Steyn had lawyers on board) filed motions for a new trial.

More than a year later Judge Irving responded. He did not order a new trial, but given how expensive and time-consuming that would be, arguably did something more useful. He ordered the punitive damages against Steyn, which he called “grossly excessive,” reduced to a mere five thousand dollars, the “maximum” sum Steyn’s attorney had suggested was reasonable.
But there was more good news to come. A week later, Judge Irving responded to Steyn’s motion that Mann pay legal fees. While only partially granting the motion, Judge Irving’s rhetoric was scathing.

What especially infuriated him was the Mann team’s false claims of a huge loss in grant money– which Judge Irving called “an affront to the Court’s authority.” The team had offered “plainly false evidence” and were guilty of “bad faith misconduct “… “extraordinary in its scope, extent, and intent.” Judge Irving said he would issue sanctions to cover the costs the defendants had in countering these “outright misrepresentations.” Steyn and Simberg have been told to submit their costs by the end of March and it is highly probable they will exceed the $5,000 Steyn owes in punitive damages. Simberg is already ahead when it comes to his punitive damages, since the court in January affirmed a sanctions award to him and CEI of $9,000 for other Mann team misbehavior during discovery.

The reversal of fortune is even more striking. For years National Review had been attempting in vain to use D.C. Anti-Slapp (Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation) laws against Mann. These are laws to discourage litigants from using the legal system to silence their critics by awarding legal fees to some who won their cases. In January 2025 National Review (having exited the case via summary judgment in 2021) finally won $530,820 (less than half of what it had asked) for legal fees associated with part of Mann’s case against it. (National Review had libel insurance –which also covered Steyn–but such insurance typically only pays a fraction of the costs.) The Competitive Enterprise Institute would almost surely now file a similar suit for a similar sum.

From being poised to gain over a million dollars, Mann, within a month, stood potentially liable for that very same substantial sum.

While all this may seem a resounding victory for free speech, there is no happy ending. Steyn has said repeatedly that the process is the punishment. As the case remorselessly dragged on (Judge Irving is the sixth judge and the case is now in its thirteenth year) participants, at least those who, unlike Mann, have no sugar daddy to pick up their bills (Mann’s financial backer is still unidentified) , have lived under constant emotional stress, fearful that even death cannot wipe out their debts.

And the case is not over. As he promised, Mann has appealed the court’s decision to remove National Review and CEI. He has also argued for a stay on enforcement of the half million anti-SLAPP award to National Review while he appeals it. Although he personally has had no legal fees to pay, he is also seeking six figure court costs from both Steyn and Simberg.

In Bleak House, Jarndyce and Jarndyce continues for many generations, even after the inheritance under dispute had vanished under the weight of legal fees. Mercifully, Mann’s case will not grind on as long as the one in Dickens’ novel, but Steyn estimates appeals could keep it going another ten years. The limiting factor may well be the willingness of Mann’s donor (or donors) to continue pouring money into the case now that serious payments to the defendants loom.

As a test of free speech protections, the case illustrates their vulnerability when issues arousing popular passions (notably progressive passions like “climate change”) are involved. Early on, a host of organizations from the ACLU to the New York Times on down filed amicus briefs on behalf of National Review and CEI. But recently there has been little support from any of them as the adverse decisions against Steyn and Simberg rolled in.

Above all the case illustrates the failure of the American system of justice. A trivial case that should have been disposed of in a few months has been allowed to fester for over a decade at a ridiculous (and, for the defendants, cruel) cost—with no end in sight. Major structural reforms are needed to address this problem.

Authors Credit: Rael Jean Isaac is the author most recently of Roosters of the Apocalypse: How the Junk Science of Global Warming is Bankrupting the Western World

This article originally ran in American Thinker


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April 3, 2025 at 08:06PM

Don’t Drive Forwards!!

By Paul Homewood

 

 

h/t idau

Apparently the pathetic Daily Mirror published this too late for April Fools!

 

image

Motorists have been warned to stop driving forwards into parking spaces. Motoring experts at ReduceMyExcess emphasised that reversing out of a parking bay will "use up more fuel" than the alternative.

The experts encouraged drivers to "get a little practice in" to maximise potential savings. ReduceMyExcess advised: "If you’re heading out to a car park, take the time to reverse into the space instead of simply cruising in with front bay parking." They explained that "That’s because reversing out of a space will use up more fuel, and it’s better to do this manoeuvre with a warm engine

"In other words, if you’re not confident with reverse parking but want to save on your fuel bill, now might be the time to get a little practice in so that reversing in becomes a habit.

"Always try to reverse into a parking space so you can drive straight out. This is because manoeuvring while the engine is cold uses more fuel."

https://www.msn.com/en-gb/cars/news/drivers-urged-to-stop-reversing-into-parking-spaces-in-new-warning/ar-AA1CcY6g

Where on Earth do they get these numbskell reporters from?

More to the point, who are ReduceMyExcess, who the Mirror’s baby journalists have given publicity to?

It turns out they are just another little known company after your money:

image

https://www.reducemyexcess.co.uk/gb.aspx

What better way to drum up some publicity than to feed some juvenile drivel to a couple of baby journalists at the Mirror?

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April 3, 2025 at 04:09PM

The Feds are Hiding the Eagle Death Data

By David Wojick

Imagine there is an industry product that is killing thousands a year and the number is growing. The government is tracking it closely, while keeping the data secret in order to protect the product. Outrageous, right? But that is exactly the case with wind power killing eagles.

Every wind-killed eagle found at an industrial wind site is quickly reported to the federal Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS). Every year each site also submits an annual kill report to FWS. None of this data is publicly available.

The FWS eagle kill data is all a big government secret designed to protect the wind industry from public outrage. This has to stop.

The public has a right to know about all these eagle kills. In addition, this data would support research on ways to reduce the killing. For example, it has been suggested that painting the blades black would help the eagles avoid the blades. In fact, there are a lot of technologies that could be studied given comprehensive kill data.

It is no secret where all this kill data is. It is all in one big FWS database called the Injury and Mortality Reporting System (IMR), but all you can do is enter your kill data. You cannot look at anyone else’s data such as all the kills in a given wind facility or group of facilities.

Important wind facility groups might include those using a given technology, or in a specific county or congressional district. There are lots of analyses that might be important, but only FWS can see all this data. It is a government secret.

Another approach should be to ask for specific kill data, but that does not work either. For example, the Wyoming based Albany County Conservancy (ACC) sent FWS a Freedom Of Information Act (FOIA) request for some very specific kill data from four wind projects.

When the response finally came, FWS said ACC could only see 256 pages or 22% of the 1156 pages that corresponded to their query. The other 910 pages were secret. The available 22% did not begin to answer their questions. The wind-kill data is simply secret.

In addition, every wind site has a permit to kill up to a specified number of eagles a year before preventive action must be taken. None of this data is publicly available either. There is not even a public map or list of permitted facilities that I can find, much less permit data available for analysis.

Ultimately, there is no way to see how many kills are being allowed on a local or regional basis, or to analyze these kill allowances for impact. The national numbers may be in the tens or hundreds of thousands.

Nor is the method used by FWS to calculate these kill allowances available for analysis as far as I can tell. They may be allowing too much killing. I can find no published research on this topic.

There is another point of interest in the kill permits. The FWS permit conditions state that the kill reports only have to find about a third of the actual kills.

Here is the standard permit language: “(1) Fatality Searches. (a) You must achieve an average annual site-wide probability of detection (accounting for spatial and temporal coverage, as well as potential scavenging or detection bias) of at least 35% for every Five-Year period during the permit tenure.”

At this 35% detection rate, the actual kills would be roughly three times those found! So they know the report numbers are way low. It is built in. Any research or findings based on the kill reports needs to take this likely low ball error into account. If a facility says 30 eagles were killed, it is fair to assume it was more like 90.

Wind power is killing a lot of eagles. The federal government is tracking this destruction, but it is all a big secret. We have a right to know what is happening to our eagles.


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April 3, 2025 at 04:07PM